Success is a drug in itself. When you strive to become somebody and you become that person, it is difficult to give it up. The cycles which show the path of the universal movement are not horizontal ones, but ascending spirals. If there is return to the same place, it is on a higher level. The eye of understanding is like the eye of the sense; for as you may see great objects through small crannies or levels, so you may see great axioms of nature through small instances. The understanding is found of darting around in all directions. It is unquiet; it cannot stop or rest. It presses onward, looking for final causes; that is, it is looking for purpose and design in nature that will satisfy its own craving for order and form in everything. It desires regularity, perhaps because of the homogeneity of the substance of the human spirit. It seeks to give a substance and reality to things that are fleeting. The real business of the human understanding is with the figments of the human mind. Except for a few natural forms—it will be recalled that quantity is one of them—the mind frames its own experience according to the categories and rubrics it finds necessary and inevitable. #RandolphHarris 1 of 24

By its own nature the mind is compelled to categorize and so by nature its own activity is channeled. The human understanding can be like a false mirror, which, receiving rays irregularly, distorts and discolours the nature of things by mingling its own nature with it. The human of a human is far from the nature of a clear and equal glass, wherein the beams of things should reflect according to their true incidence; nay, it is rather like an enchanted glass, full of superstition and imposture, if it be not delivered and reduced. The mind cannot be like a fair sheet of paper with no writing on it. There is a great difference between the Idols of the human mind and Ideas of the divine. An idolon involves images of sense; the term also means images of other kinds of mental experience, such as ideas and feelings about ourselves, about things familiar and authoritative, et cetera. These might or might not be false, but when they are false we usually term them idol rather than image. Hence, idols mean false appearances. There are four kinds of them, according to their sources or causes. As monitors to the understanding, the idols are to the interpretation of nature what the traditional doctrine of fallacies are to traditional logic. #RandolphHarris 2 of 24

Idols are errors of apprehension to be recognized, allowed for, and if possible, circumvented. All Interpretation of Nature commences with the senses, and leads from the perceptions of the sense by a straight, regular, and guarded path to the perceptions of the understanding, which are true notions and axioms. Thus one may see what the senses can do, what the understanding can do, and one becomes aware of distinct levels of abstraction. The culmination of the method is to discover the nature of the nature being investigated, and this means to discover the form, or true specific difference, or nature-engendering nature, or source of emanation. Obviously the object of search is at the top of the abstraction ladder, and a statement describing the nature discovered will reflect a high-level abstraction. When a change in concrete bodies is being investigated, one searches for the latent process carried on from the manifest efficient and the manifest material to the form which is engendered; and in like manner the discovery of the latent configuration of bodies at rest and in motion. #RandolphHarris 3 of 24

True knowledge, after all, is the knowledge of causes, and this knowledge entails statements that identify form, or “Forms.” The inward-going and outward-turning forces of the cosmos work with perfect reciprocity and carry everything with them by turns. The line they follow is a spiral curve. The neural points where they meet are points of rest and inactivity. Thus, although they oppose each other, they also balance each other. The movement of every energy and trend takes a curved direction. This is why there is no straight-line, lapse-free evolution in human nature or history. And the curse develops itself with time into a circle, and this again with further time into a spiral. The history of the Universe is a history of cycles: of birth, development, disintegration, death, and rest endlessly repeated on higher and higher levels. The energy impulses which rise from the void and accumulate as electrons, only to disperse later, reproduce the same cycles through which the entire Universe itself passes. Political justice has two aspects arising from the fact that a just constitution is a case of imperfect procedural justice. #RandolphHarris 4 of 24

First, the constitution is to be a just procedure satisfying the requirements of equal liberty; and second, it is to be framed so that all the feasible just arrangements, it is the one more likely than any other to result in a just and effective system of legislation. The justice of the constitution is to be assessed under both headings in the light of what circumstances permit, these assessments being made from the standpoint of the constitutional convention. The principle of equal liberty, when applied to the political procedure defined by the constitution, I shall refer to as the principle of (equal) participation. It requires that all citizens are to have an equal right to take part in, and to determine the outcome of, the constitutional process that established the laws with which they are to comply. Justice as fairness beings with the idea that where common principles are necessary and to everyone’s advantage, they are to be worked out from the viewpoint of a suitably defined initial situation of equality in which each person is fairly represented. The principle of participation transfers this notion from the original position to the constitution as the highest-order system of social rules for making rules. #RandolphHarris 5 of 24

If the state is to exercise a final and coercive authority over a certain territory, and if it is in this way to affect permanently human’s prospects in life, then the constitutional process should preserve the equal representation of the original position to the degree that this is practicable. For the time being I assume that a constitutional democracy can be arranged so as to satisfy the principle of participation. However, we need to know more exactly what this principle requires under favourable circumstances, when taken to the limits so to speak. These requirements are, of course, familiar, comprising what Constant called the liberty of the ancients in contrast to the liberty of the moderns. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to see how these liberties fall under the principle of participation. The adjustments that need to be made to existing conditions. We may want to recall certain elements of a constitutional regime. First of all, the authority to determine basic social policies resides in a representative body selected for limited terms by and ultimately accountable to the electorate. This representative body has more than a purely advisory capacity. #RandolphHarris 6 of 24

The representative body is a legislature with lawmaking powers and not simply a forum of delegates from various sectors of society to which the executive explains its actions and discerns the movements of public sentiment. Nor are political parties mere interest groups petitioning the government on their own behalf; instead, to gain enough support to win office, they must advance some conception of the public good. The constitution may, of course, circumscribe the legislature in numerous respects; and constitutional norms define its actions as a parliamentary body. However, in due course a firm majority of the electorate is able to achieve its aims, by constitutional amendment if necessary. All sane adults, with certain generally recognized exceptions, have the right to take part in political affairs, and the precept one elector one vote in honoured as far as possible. Elections are fair and free, and regularly held. Sporadic and unpredictable tests of public sentiment by plebiscite or other means, or at such times as may suit the convenience of those in office, do not suffice for a representative regime. #RandolphHarris 7 of 24

There are firm constitutional protections for certain liberties, particularly freedom of speech and assembly, and liberty to form political associations. The principle of loyal opposition is recognized, the clash of political beliefs, and of the interests and attitudes that are likely to influence them, are accepted as a normal condition of human life. A lack of unanimity is part of the circumstances of justice, since disagreement is bound to exist even among honest humans who desire to follow much the same political principles. Without the conception of loyal opposition, and an attachment to constitutional rules which express and protect it, the politics of democracy cannot be properly conducted or long endure. Three points concerning the equal liberty defined by the principle of participation call for discussion: its meaning, its extent, and the measures that enhance its worth. Starting with the question of meaning, the precept of one elector one vote implies, when strictly adhered to, that each vote has approximately the same weight in determining the outcome of elections. #RandolphHarris 8 of 24

 Making sure electoral votes are fair requires, assuming single member territorial constituencies, that members of legislative districts be drawn up under the guidance of certain general standards specified in advance by the constitution and applied as far as possible by an impartial procedure. These safeguards are needed to prevent gerrymandering, since the weight of the vote can be as much affected by feats of gerrymander as by districts of disproportion size. The requisite standards and procedures are to be adopted from the standpoint of the constitutional convention in which no one has the knowledge that is likely to prejudice the design of constituencies. Political parties cannot adjust boundaries to their advantage in the light of voting statistics; districts are defined by means of criteria already agreed to in the absence of this sort of information. Of course, it may be necessary to introduce certain random elements, since the criteria for designing constituencies are no doubt to some extent arbitrary. There may be no other fair way to deal wit these contingencies. #RandolphHarris 9 of 24

The principle of participation also holds that all citizens are to have equal access, at least in the forma sense, to public office. Each is eligible to join political parties, to run for elective positions, and to hold places of authority. To be sure, there may be qualifications of age, residency, and so on. However, these are to be reasonably related to the tasks of office; presumably these restrictions are in the common interest and do not discriminate unfairly among persons or groups in the sense that they fall evenly on everyone in the normal course of life. The second point concerning equal political liberty is its extent. How broadly are these liberties to be defined? Offhand it is not clear what extent means here. Each of the political liberties can more or less widely defined. Somewhat arbitrarily, but nevertheless in accordance with tradition, I shall assume that the main variation in the extent of equal political liberty lies in the degree to which the constitution is majoritarian. The definition of the other liberties I take to be more or less fixed. Thus the most extensive political liberty is established by a constitution that uses the procedure of so-called bare majority rule (the procedure in which a minority can neither override nor check a majority) for all significant political decisions unimpeded by any constitutional constraints. #RandolphHarris 10 of 24

Whenever the constitution limits the scope and authority of majorities, either by requiring a greater plurality for certain types of measures, or by a bill of rights restricting the powers of the legislature, and the like, equal political liberty is less extensive. The traditional devices of constitutionalism—bicameral legislature, separation of powers mixed with checks and balances, a bill of rights with judicial review—limit the scope principle participation. I assume, however, that these arrangements are consistent with equal political liberty provided that similar restrictions apply to everyone and that the constrains introduced are likely over time to fall evenly upon all sectors of society. And if the fair value of political liberty is maintained, this seems probable. The main problem, then, is how extensive equal participation should be. Turning now to the worth of political liberty, the constitution must take steps to enhance the value of the equal rights of participation for all members of society. It must underwrite a fair opportunity to take part in and to influence the political process. The distinction here is analogous to that made before: ideally, those similarly endowed and motivated should have roughly the same chance of attaining positions of political authority irrespective of their economic classes. #RandolphHarris 11 of 24

But how is this fair value of these liberties to be secured? We may take for granted that a democratic regime presupposed freedom of speech and assembly, and liberty of thought and conscience. These institutions are not only required by the first principle of justice but, as Dr. Mill argued, if political affairs are to be conducted in a rational fashion, they are necessary. While rationality is not guaranteed by these arrangements, in their absence the more reasonable course seems sure to be rejected in favour of policies sought by special interests. If the public forum is to be free and open to all, and in continuous session, everyone should be able to make use of it. All citizens should have the means to be informed about political issues. They should be in a position to assess how proposals affect their well-being and which policies advance their conception of public good. Moreover, they should all have a fair chance to add alternative proposals to the agenda for political discussion. The liberties protected by the principle of participation lose much of their value whenever those who have greater private means are permitted to use their advantages to control the course of public debate. #RandolphHarris 12 of 24

For eventually these inequalities will enable those better situated to exercise a larger influence over the development of legislation. In due time they are likely to acquire a preponderant weight in settling social questions, at least in regard to those matters upon which they normally agree, which is to day in regard to those things that support their favoured circumstances. Compensating steps must, then, be taken to preserve the fair value for all of the equal political liberties. A variety of devices can be used. For example, in a society allowing private ownership of them means of production, property and wealth must be kept widely distributed and government monies provided on a regular basis to encourage free public discussion. In addition, political parties are to be made independent from private economic interest by allotting them sufficient tax revenues to play their part in the constitutional scheme. (Their subventions might, for example, be based by some rule on the number of votes received in the las several elections, and the like.) What is necessary is that political parties be autonomous with respect to private demands, that is, demands not expressed in the public forum and argued for openly by reference to a conception of the public good. #RandolphHarris 13 of 24

If society does not bear the costs of organization, and party funds need to be solicitated from the more advantaged social and economic interests, the pleadings of these groups are bound to receive excessive attention. And when the less favoured members of society, having been effectively prevented by their lack of means from exercising their fair degree of influence, this is all the more likely t withdraw into apathy and resentment. Historically one of the main defects of constitutional government has been the failure to insure the fair value of political liberty. The necessary corrective steps have not been taken, indeed, they never seem to have been seriously entertained. Disparities in the distribution of property and wealth that far exceed what is compatible with political equality have generally been tolerated by the legal system. Public resources have not been devoted to maintaining the institutions required for the fair value of political liberty. Essentially the fault lies in the fact the democratic political process is at best regulated rivalry; it does not even in theory have the desirable properties that price theory ascribes to truly competitive markets. #RandolphHarris 14 of 24

Moreover, the effects of injustices in the political system are much more grave and long lasting than market imperfections. Political power rapidly accumulates and becomes unequal; and making use of the coercive apparatus of the state and its law, those who gain the advantage can often assure themselves of a favoured position. Thus inequities in the economic and social system may soon undermine whatever political equality might have existed under fortunate historical conditions. Universal suffrage is an insufficient counterpoise; for when parties and elections are financed not by public funds but by private contributions, the political forum is so constrained by the wishes of the dominant interests that the basic measure needed to establish just constitutional rule are seldom properly presented. These questions, however, belong to political sociology. Our discussion is part of the theory of justice and must not be mistaken for a theory of political system. We are in the way of describing an ideal arrangement, comparison with which defines a standard for judging actual institutions, and indicates what must be maintained to justify departures from it. #RandolphHarris 15 of 24

A just constitution sets up a form of fair rivalry for political office and authority. By presenting conceptions of the public good and policies designed to promote social end, rival parties seek the citizens’ approval in accordance with just procedural rules against a background of freedom of thought and assembly in which the fair value of political liberty is assured. The principle of participation compels those in authority t be responsive to the felt interests of the electorate. Representatives are not, to be sure, mere agents of their constituents, since they have a certain discretion and they are expected to exercise their judgment in enacting legislation. In a well-ordered society they must, nevertheless, represent their constituents in the substantive sense: they must seek first to pass just and effective legislation, since this is a citizen’s first interest in government, and secondly, they must further their constituents’ other interests insofar as these are consistent with justice. The principles of justice are among the main criteria to be used in judging a representative’s record and the reasons one gives in defense of it. #RandolphHarris 16 of 24

Since the constitution is the foundation of the social structure, the highest order system rules that regulates and controls other institutions, everyone has the same access to the political procedure that is sets up. When the principle of participation is satisfied, all have the common status of equal citizen. Finally, to avoid misunderstanding, it should be kept in mind that the principle of participation applies to institutions. It does not define an ideal of citizenship; nor does it lay down a duty requiring all to take an active part in political affairs. The duties and obligations of individuals are a separate question. What is essential is that the constitution should establish equal rights to engage in public affairs and that measures be taken to maintain the fair value of these liberties. In a well-governed state only a small fraction of persons may devote much of their time to politics. There are many other forms of human good. However, this fraction, whatever its size, will most likely be drawn more or less equally from all sectors of society. The many communities of interests and centers of political life will have their active members who look after their concerns. #RandolphHrris 17 of 24

In the conditions of modern life, especially since the two World Wars, it has, for various reasons, been increasingly unclear how marriage, union of souls, could be caried out in practice. Individual desire has come to be the standard and rule of everything. If individual desire is the standard for everything, and if what we desire can be acquired from many competing providers, how are we to serve one another in intimate relations? The ways in which man and wife, or parents and children, would “naturally” serve one another—and traditionally have done so—are increasingly viewed as available (usually less expensively and perhaps with “better quality”) from various sources. This is true all the way from food, clothing, entertainment, attractiveness, to romance, gratifications involving pleasures of the flesh, and surrogate “motherhood” and “fatherhood.” The perilous condition of labours competing with others to sell their labour is now the condition of everyone in current society. Individual desire is accepted as a principle governing everything. When one or both parties are constantly shopping for “a better deal” or constantly appraising one another in light of convenient alternatives, what, then, does devotion to another mean? #RandolphHarris 18 of 24

Withdrawal, rejection, and assault will naturally become a constant factor in the most intimate human relations. That is what Satan has always used to defeat God’s plans for human community on Earth, from Adam blaming Eve for his own sin, to Cain killing Abel, to the latest cases of “ethnic cleansing,” and the million of men, women, and children living on their own in the streets and sewers of urban centers around the globe or starving in poverty. The very same principle of withdrawal and assault operates at the highest levels of cultural, social, and political interaction, with constant glorification in the popular arts and media. “An epistle of my father Mormon, written to me, Moroni; and it was written unto me after my calling to the ministry. And on this wise did he write unto me, saying: My beloved son, Moroni, I rejoice exceedingly that your Lord Jesus Christ hath been mindful of you, and hath called you to his ministry and to his holy work. I am mindful of you always in my prayers, continually praying unto God the Father in the name of his Holy Child, Jesus, that he, though his infinite goodness and grace, will keep you through the endurance of faith on his name to the end. #RandolphHarris 19 of 24

“And now, my son, I speak unto you concerning that which grieveth me exceedingly; for it grieveth me that there should disputations rise among you. For, if I have learned the truth, there have been disputations among you concerning the baptism of your little children. And now, my son, I desire that ye should labour diligently, that this gross error should be removed from among you; for, for this intent I have written this epistle. For immediately after I had learned these things of you I inquired of the Lord concerning the matter. And the word of the Lord came to me by the power of the Holy Ghost, saying: Listen to the words of Christ, your Redeemer, your Lord and your God. Behold, I came into the World not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance; the whole need no physician, but they that are sick; wherefore, little children are whole, for they are not capable of committing sin; wherefore the curse of Adam is taken from them in me, that it hath no power over them; and the law of circumcision is done away in me. And after this manner did the Holy Ghost manifest the word of God unto me; wherefore, my beloved son, I know that it is solemn mockery before God, that ye should baptize little children. #RandolphHarris 20 of 24

“Behold I say unto you that this thing shall ye teach—repentance and baptism unto those who are accountable and capable of committing sin; yea, teach parents that they must repent and be baptized and humble themselves as their little children, and they shall all be saved with their little children. And their little children need no repentance, neither baptism. Behold, baptism is unto repentance to the fulfilling the commandments unto the remission of sins. However, little children are alive in Christ, even from the foundation of the World; if not so, God is a partial God, and also a changeable God, and a respecter to persons; for how many little children have died without baptism! Wherefore, if little children could not be saved without baptism, these must have gone to an endless hell. Behold I say uno you, that one that supposeth that little children need baptism is in the gall of bitterness and in the bonds of iniquity; for one hath neither faith, hope, nor charity; wherefore, should one be cut off while in the thought, one must go down to hell. For awful is the wickedness to suppose that God saveth one child because of baptism, and the other must perish because one hath no baptism. #RandolphHarris 21 of 24

“Wo be unto them that shall pervert the ways of the Lord after this manner, for they shall perish except they repent. Behold, I speak with boldness, having authority from God; and I fear not what humans can do; for perfect love casteth out all fear. And I am filled with charity, which is everlasting love; wherefore, all children are alike unto me; wherefore, I love little children with a perfect love; and they are alike and partakers of salvation. For I know that God is not a partial God, neither a changeable being; but he is unchangeable from all eternity. Little children cannot repent; wherefore, it is awful wickedness to deny the pure mercies of God unto them, for they are all alive in him because of his mercy. And one that saith that the little children need baptism denieth the mercies of Christ, and setteth at naught the atonement of him the power of his redemption. Wo unto such, for they are in danger of death, hell, and an endless torment. I speak it boldly; God hath commanded me. Listen unto them and give heed, or they stand against you at the judgment-seat of Christ. For behold that all little children are alive in Christ, and also all they that are without the law. #RandolphHarris 22 of 24

“For the power of redemption cometh on all them that have no law; wherefore, one this is not condemned, or one that is under no condemnation, cannot repent; and unto such baptism availeth nothing—but it is mockery before God, denying the mercies of Christ, and the power of his Holy Spirit, and putting trust in dead works. Behold, my son, this thing ought not to be; for repentance is unto them that are under condemnation and under the curse of a broken law. And the first fruits of repentance is baptism; and baptism cometh by faith unto the fulfilling the commandments; and the fulfilling the commandments bringeth remission of sins; and the remission of sins bringeth meekness, and lowliness of heart; and because of meekness and lowlines of heart cometh the visitation of the Holy Ghost, which comforter filleth with hope and perfect love, which love endureth by diligence unto prayer, until the end shall come, when all the saints shall dwell with God. Behold, my son, I will write unto you again if I go not out soon against the Lamanites. Behold, the pride of this nation, or the people of the Nephites, hath proven their destruction except they should repent. #RandolphHarris 23 of 24

“Pray for them, my son, that repentance may come unto them. However, behold, I fear lest the Spirit hath ceased striving with them; and in this part of the land they are also seeking to put down all power and authority which cometh from God; and they are denying the Holy Ghost. And after rejecting so great a knowledge, my son, they must perish soon, unto the fulfilling of the prophecies which were spoken by the prophets, as well as the words of our Saviour himself. Farewell, my son, until I shall write unto you, or shall meet you again. Amen,” reports Moroni 8.1-30. In the cold days of December, I am reminded of you by the Frost-covered grass now white in my yard. It is frozen and dormant. It is life appearing in the semblance of timelessness, for when the winter rains come, it will be green again. Of such small miracles, splendid God, is your World made. May the Lord bless thee and keep thee; so may it be His will. May the Lord make His countenance to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee; so may it be His will. May the Lord turn His countenance unto thee and give thee peace. So may it be His will. #RandolphHarris 24 of 24

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