The criminality of persons in organized crime different from that of conventional criminals because their organization allows them to commit crimes of a different variety [labor racketeering, for example] and on a larger scale [smuggling planeloads of cocaine, for example] than their less organized colleagues. Organization permits a scope of activities unavailable to conventional criminal, while providing a vehicle for criminal interaction and coordination on a regional, national, and international level. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines organized crime “as any group having some manner of a formalized structure and whose primary objective is to obtain money through illegal activities. Such groups maintain their position through the use of actual violence, corrupt public officials, graft, or extortion, and generally have a significant impact on the people in their locales, region, or the country as a whole.” The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (Article 2(a)) states that an “organized criminal group shall mean a structured group of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offenses established in accordance with this Convention, in other to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit.” If a particular group of criminals constitutes organized crime and, therefore, needs to be addressed in a way different from the way one would approach terrorist or groups of conventional criminals or a group of persons that forms for the immediate commission of a single offense, law enforcement agencies have research to help them deal with the phenomenon. #RandolphHarris 1 of 20

With seemingly increasingly regularity, we hear about instances in which formal organizations (or the individuals therein) engage in criminal acts. At times, these crimes are directed inward as is the case with acts of employee theft, embezzlement, or corporate or political espionage. Take, for example, Susan McDougal who was accused (but later acquitted) of bilking $150,000 from the failed Whitewater land deal that haunted the Clinton presidency. Robert Philip Hanssen also comes to mind, the FBI agent accused of selling over 6,000 pages of top-secret government materials to the Russians. In other cases, the organizational crimes are directed outward toward specific clients, the competition, or the larger society. The Rodney King case or the assault on Abner Loima (id est, the New York City man who was sodomized with a broomstick by members of the NYPD) stand as high-profile examples of police officers purposely and egregiously violating the human rights of a particular citizen. Another case involving the faculty tread design on Bridetown/Firestone tires provides an example of how unsafe product manufacturing can result in the death of numerous unsuspecting consumers. Antitrust arrangements such as the alleged monopolization of the computer software industry by Microsoft’s Windows program illustrate how free market competition can be stymied and businesses can be forced into an unfair market situation. Broader societal impacts are felt in instances when a government misrepresents itself or betrays the public to achieve military or economic goals. This was the case in the Nazi Holocaust and the Iran-Contra scandal. #RandolphHarris 2 of 20

Similarly, a corporation or rouge employee (id est, doctor or pharmacist) has the ability to enact a scheme that leads to broad-based economic or physical hardship for hundreds, thousands, or even millions of people. This was the case in the savings and loan scandal of the late 1980s, the Enron and World Com accounting fiascos, and the recent story of the Kansas City pharmacist who was diluting chemotherapy drugs for profit. There is a common thread that runs through all of the above-mentioned scenarios—they constitute breaches of trust that emanate from within an organizational entity. Crimes that are committed within the context of complex organizations represent a vexing conceptual category for criminologists. Traditionally, these acts have been aggregated under the heading of white-collar crime. White Collar Crime, may be defined approximately as a crime committed by a person of respectability and high social status in the course of one’s occupation. In the 80 plus years since this statement, scholars have struggled in earnest to reach agreement over the conceptual and behavioral breadth that should be afford to the white-collar crime rubric. Much of this apprehension results from the fact that the subject matter spreads like wild fire. As society advances, someone is always willing and able to exploit the situation through an act of criminal innovation. This means that, today, we must negotiate a host of governmental, corporate, and employee-perpetrated acts that simply did not exist 80 years ago. #RandolphHarris 3 of 20

Criminologist and sociologist alike have repeatedly sought to refine or expand the conceptual landscape of white-collar crime. He notes that some have chosen to expand the original definition to include the occupational offenses of lower states, blue-collar employees. Others have employed any violent or property crime that is committed in the context of organizational influences (id est, the role that organizational norms and directives have on individual actors) into the discussion. We have also seen the development of concepts such as “state crime,” “political crime,” or even the hybrid “state-corporate crime” to allow for a more complete treatment of governmental misconduct. The term crime within complex organizations is meant to refer to any physical or nonphysical illegal act (id est, violent or property offense) that is committed within an organizational context and seeks to further individual or organizational goals, regardless of the social status of that individual or organization. Such a definition subsumes occupational, corporate, organizational, political, and state-corporate crimes under a single conceptual rubric. It is a definition that stresses abuses of trust, not power or social status. This discussion centers most on the roles that organizational norms and opportunities play in shaping the cognitive and behavioral dimensions of criminal behavior. This definition stems from the central premise that all organizations are inherently corrupting. The norms and behaviors that become routinized in these structure can yield a criminogenic environment, one in which the likelihood of a crime occurring is significantly different than it would be if the organizational dimension was removed.  The “organizational factor” is said to produce a new layer of analysis that warrants a special conceptual distinction and appreciation. #RandolphHarris 4 of 20

There is a different between organizational occupational crime, state authority occupational crime, professional occupational crimes, and individual occupational crime. Organizational occupational crime incudes any crime that benefits the organizational initiatives. State authority occupational crime focuses on abuses of governmental authority that seek to achieve personal or political interests. Professional occupational crime encompasses all wrongdoing committed by persons who hold some sort of professional status. Individual occupational crime is concerned with garden variety employee thefts perpetrated by lone, nonsalaried perpetrators. As stated, the context in which the criminal act occurs, not the act itself, is our primary focus. As such, any acts (from murder to theft to drug abuse) would fall under this topic as it occurred in an organizational context and stemmed most directly from organization norms and opportunities. This notwithstanding, certain statutory provisions are unique to organizational settings. First, are laws that seek to protect businesses. Beyond simple theft and pilferage statues, embezzlement is the most noteworthy of these statutory provisions. Embezzlement occurs when an individual misappropriates property or money with which one has been entrusted. Legally speaking, the misappropriation is deemed a form of “conversion,” not a “theft by taking,” since the perpetrator has been voluntarily granted access to the materials as part of a trust agreement. The actus reus is the conversion and the mens reus aspect of the crime is the intent to permanently deprive the rightful owner of possession. For example, bank tellers are routinely entrusted with access to cash. If a teller permanently removes money from the bank, he or she is said to have illegally concerted the funds and thus committed embezzlement. #RandolphHarris 5 of 20

There are laws that protect free market competition. Over the course of the past century or so, the U.S.A. Congress has crafted several legislative provisions that outlaw price-fixing, bid-rigging, monopolies, and other threats to fair business competition. Most notable was the Sherman Act of 1890. This piece of legislation criminalized any effort to prevent full and free competition, any business arrangements designed to artificially inflate prices, and/or any restraint on free trade. Congress has since passed the Clayton Act of 1914, and the Robinson-Patman Act and the Celler-Kefauver Act of 1950. Each of these pieces of legislation provides updates and specifications to the legal landscape that was outlined in the Sherman Act. Coleman (1998) further delineates a series of laws that are designed to protect democracy. The most visible of these corruption statues are bribery, perjury, and various tampering offenses. Bribery deems it illegal for any public official (exempli gratia, judge, legislator, police officer) to offer, give, receive, or solicit anything of value to influence or alter an official outcome. Perjury statues make it illegal to make false statements while under oath (American Law Institute, 1962). This crime was thrust into the public arena when former President Clinton was accused of perjuring himself regarding the Monic Lewinski sex scandal. Duress refers to coercion that causes a person to perform an act against his or her will. Duress is an important concept in both civil and criminal law that recognizes that a person who is acting without free will should not be held responsible for the conduct. #RandolphHarris 6 of 20

In contract law, legal duress can invalidate a contact signed by a party. The rationale is that the formation of the contract was not undertaken freely and voluntarily. In other words, there was not a true meeting of the minds. Duress exists when a person has been wrongfully forced or coerced into entering the contract. Physical coercion and threats of harm are common examples of conduct that constitute duress. Another form of conduct that might constitute duress includes wrongfully withholding a party’s property, or threatening to wrongfully withhold the property until a contract is signed. Duress can also be a defense in criminal law. In essence, the concept is that a defendant charged with a crime can be excused for his or her actions if they were committed under duress or coercion, as defined by the law. The defendant normally must show that the defendant’s actions were reasonable under the circumstances and based upon the fear of immediate serious harm. Tampering statues make it illegal for an individual to alter or impede official proceedings or investigations. Political corruption can take on a wide variety of forms and the U.S.A. Congress has enacted numerous pieces of legislation to safeguard democracy. For example, the Federal Corrupt Practice Act of 1925 and the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 seek to regulate election process and campaign contributions. Similarly, the Foreign Corruption Practices Act of 1979 sough to put a stop to “international payoffs, bribes, kickbacks, gifts, and political contributions” that came to light in the Watergate scandal that rocked the Nixon administration. #RandolphHarris 7 of 20

There exist laws that seek to protect the public from being victimized by organizational entities. These include legal measures that safeguard consumers, workers, and the environment. Prosecutors often invoke fraud statues to protect consumers against unsavory business entities. These efforts might target cases of consumer fraud (a bogus company or “Ponzi or pyramid scheme” taking money from consumers for substandard or non-existent product or service), fraud in the professions (healthcare organizations or other professional entities overcharging clients), or financial fraud (banks or bankers making illegal loans or engaging in forbidden accounting practices). Federal prosecutors have at their disposal specific legislative provisions and acts that they can use in their fight against organization-based fraud; for example, they can utilize provisions of the Consumer Product Safety Act of 1972 in cases involving product safety. They also have at their disposal specific pieces of legislation that have been enacted to protect the consumers of a particular type of good or service. For example, the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act of 1906 impose standards on the production, marketing, and preparation of food products and medications. Similarly, the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery, and Enforcement Act of 1989, as well as the Crime Control Act of 1990, contains provisions that allow prosecutors to act against the illegal practices of banks and financial institutions. #RandolphHarris 8 of 20

Another example would be the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 1966, which imposes regulatory standards on the automobile industry. Similarly, the Insider Trading and Securities Fraud Enforcement Act which deems it illegal to compromise the fair value and trading of corporate stocks. Resourceful federal prosecutors have even been known to use the 1970 Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act to pursue white-collar criminals. Originally intended for use against organized crime, prosecutors have begun to exploit certain provisions in the statue. Namely, a person or organization can be subject to stiff RICO sanctions (25-year prison term per count and forfeiture of corrupt assets) if it can be shown that this person or organization used any form of enterprise to engage in a pattern of racketeering. A pattern exists if two acts of racketeering are committed within a 10-year period. There is a laundry list of federal and state crimes that constitute racketeering, including such predicate crimes as murder, kidnapping, robbery, arson, extortion, obstruction of justice, mail, and wire fraud, securities fraud, and (the recently added) financial institutions fraud. This is a thumbnail sketch of the vast legal landscape which allows for criminal charges to be brought against persons or organizations that harm the public, democracy, or the free enterprise system. In addition to these sanctions, aggrieved parties are always given the option of seeking financial compensation via civil action. This is often the preferred course of action, because most crimes within complex organizations, especially those of the corporate or organizational crime variety, pose a serious legal dilemma for the criminal court system. #RandolphHarris 9 of 20

Most notably, one must establish that a criminal responsibility exists. The question becomes: Can a corporation or complex organization commit a crime? Our legal system has traditionally thought of a “crime” to be an offense that occurs between two or perhaps three persons. Crimes that occur within complex organizations are often collective in nature (id est, committed by the company or dozens of its employees) and do not make it easy for external authorities to identify a short list of suspects. Prosecutors are rarely able to convince judges and juries that corporate executives should be held criminally responsible for their behaviors. High-prices corporate lawyers and “happy capitalists” on the jury predictably produce acquittals for accused executives and corporations. This, in turn, leads to follow-up civil actions that seek to hit the executives and corporations in what stands as their only exposed legal area—their wallets. In an organized crime group, violence is a readily available and routinely accepted resource. Access to private violence is an important dimension that allows the group to actively purse its goals. The use of violence is not restricted by ethical considerations but controlled only practical limitations. An organized criminal group eschews competition. It strives for hegemony over a particular geographical area (a metropolitan area or section of a city), a particular “industry,” legitimate or illegitimate (for example, gambling, drug trafficking), or a combination of both. #RandolphHarris 10 of 20

An organized crime monopoly is maintained by violence, by the threat of violence, or by corrupt relationships with law enforcement officials. A combination of both methods, violence and corruption, may be employed. Criminal organizations can manifest a variety of structures, ranging from bureaucracy to a group sharing some combination of kinship, friendship, and ethnicity/culture, characteristics that provide emotional ties and enhance trust. These ties are strengthened if members are part of a community alienated from mainstream society. The weaker the shared characteristics, the more likely there is to be a bureaucratic structure. In other word, bureaucracy offers an alternative to more personalistic ties. Criminal organizations can manifest a bureaucratic structure while its business activities operate outside the structure; or the structure and business can be one and the same. A criminal organization can manifest a bureaucratic structure with ranks and levels of authority, while economic activities may be divorced from the formal structure. In such cases, every member of the organization represents a slot on the “company chart” while their business activities are independent, conducted solo or in partnerships with member and nonmember associates, and not dependent on the formal structure. Credentialing also permits members of a criminal organization to enforce extralegal social norms ranging from restraining boisterous behavior to requiring a young man to marry the young lady he impregnated. #RandolphHarris 11 of 20

In current events, the U.S.A. trade deficit jumped to a record high in March 2023 amid roaring domestic demand, which is drawing in imports, and the gap could widen further as the nation’s economic activity rebounds faster than it global rivals. Manufacturers lack the capacity to satisfy the surge in demand because of resource constraints and bottlenecks in the supply chain. Inventories are very lean. Demand is being driven by a rapidly improving public health situation and massive government assistance to households and businesses to soften the hardships caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The trade deficit increased 5.6 percent to an all-time high of $74.4 billion in March. Imports soared 6.3 percent to a historic $274.5 billion in March. Goods imports also increased to 7.0 percent which is $234.4 billion; another all-time high. Imports of consumer goods were the highest on record, as were those for food and capital goods. The government has provided nearly $6 trillion in pandemic relief over the past year. To conquer the global market, Western exporters have to fight really hard, and the outcome of this fight is not at all predetermined. Furthermore, Americans will have to learn to consume less and save more so they can achieve larger output with smaller investment and, consequently, saving. Along this line of global rebalancing concept, Western households restrain their purchases of consumer goods in order to save more, and they will be able to afford higher priced products manufactured in American factories. However, no simple counseling or job referrals can handle the problem; it is a task for social engineering. #RandolphHarris 12 of 20

As a psychological problem, the sense of worth derived from a vocation has found a far from secure basis outside the family, save for the few who gain confirmation of their vocational identities in the most advanced professional associations. Here is an instance where no notion of remedy in a therapeutic sense seems reasonable; only the development of positive means for assuring a conscious choice of careers seems appropriate to the situation. The family itself, beyond instilling the basic habits of work, has more than ever before the duty to prepare its members for the interpersonal competence and the sociability tht are required for most modern employment; its function in occupational transmission has not only been partly curtailed but also transformed. This brief glance at economic agencies serving families has touched on the first two of the traditional economic categories—production and consumption. Given that sufficient and dependable money can be earned by American families, is there any reason to suppose that families under urban, industrial conditions need to be assisted or need to co-operate through agencies related to consumption? If the answer to this were assumed to be in the negative, then it would be hard to account for the considerable number and variety of existing family agencies, whose efforts are directed toward the protection and improvement of family consumption. If we consider each of the main components of family expenditure, we find a remarkable degree of specialization among economic agencies focusing on the consumer. #RandolphHarris 13 of 20

Some of course are concerned with the provisions of minimum amounts of essentials to needy segments of the population, but generally these may be considered as agencies serving to maintain income, even though, in many cases, they furnish goods and service in kind rather than cash, exempli gratia, county homes for the aged. The subsidization of certain items of consumption for certain segments of the population, as in the school lunch program, might also be considered under the heading of increments to income. The volume of goods and services purchased from tax funds, and communally distributed in this way, has been steadily rising in recent years—especially in such fields as health, education, and recreation. While in one sense such services are always consumed in accordance with need, exempli gratia, families without children receive no direct benefit from public schools, it is illuminating to distinguish between public services distributed to the whole community and those received only by the needy. Meanwhile it is also of some importance to note how many aspects there are to consumption beyond the mere provision of the means of consumption. Thus we have agencies concerned with the regulation of prices and rents, not only the wartime agencies, but the permanent commissions regulating what consumers have to pay for public utilities and transportation. One the private side, consumer co-operatives may be said to carry on similar functions of trying to hold down consumer costs. Then there are agencies, from municipal to federal, concerned with guarding and raising the quality and purity not only of goods offered for sale, but even of the advertising, labelling and weighing and measuring done by their sellers. #RandolphHarris 14 of 20

Private organizations of this sort are meagerly developed—perhaps because this truly is a matter of public concern. A long-standing proposal would turn even the functions of the best-known consumer organization—the Consumers Union—over to a government agency such as the United States Bureau of Standards. Since agencies concerned with the more efficient and tasteful utilization of income are largely educational, a discussion of these will be included under educational agencies. Of all the items in family budgets, housing above al others has called forth a host of private and public agencies for supplementing the efforts of the individual consuming family. The range of tasks such consumer agencies carry on includes fire protection, extending credit, design and construction, sanitation, zoning, raising community standards, city planning, and style leadership While some of the work of these consumer agencies is to correct conditions which the consumer cannot rectify oneself, much of their work makes possible for families things which in the past were out of their reach. For example, families can now enjoy with complete safety an unsurpassed range of variety in their diet. For the common man, as once only for nobility, eating has become an aesthetic experience, full of the joys of invention and the excitement of discovery. Fear of strange foods has become a mark no longer of prudence but of provinciality. It is plausible to speak of some functions of the family having to do with consumption as having been transferred to other institutions and agencies, but note has to be made of the addition and elaboration of other functions, even of something like “reprivatization.” #RandolphHarris 15 of 20

If family servants be thought of as an institution, one may in a sense speak of the restoration of their function to many families. Household appliances and kitchen gadgets, which Americans crave, are gradually taking the place of the servant class in our society. Shopping and budgeting are examples of recently elaborated family functions. These are activities now adays usually shared by all but the youngest members of the family; they involve discussion and the balancing of values and make every family a microcosmic forum in which the character of demand in the whole economy is debated and formulated. As family incomes rise, a family does not merely eat and drink more, nor add a useless frill or gadget; it may choose instead to put more into services, spacious housing, health, education, entertaining, recreation, travel, and community participation, in other words, into obtaining those resources and experiences which have potentialities for developing their personalities. The easy generalization of critics that the growth of American wealth leads to materialism is found on investigation to be superficial. High culture—once the property of a leisure class—becomes the possession of all families when the increase of wealth is well distributed. Families achieve material comfort only to move beyond the primary concern with physical existence. Paradoxically, economic activity becomes most clearly instrumental to the highest development of individual personality, just at the point where enjoyment of self by means of existing resources becomes preferable to denial of self in order to obtain increases of income. #RandolphHarris 16 of 20

The competence of the producer oneself may be conceived as a channel of investment. There is a spiral relation in which income spent on personal development contributes ultimately to further productivity, through the improvement of human resources. We may thus expand the suggestions of Mrs. Myrdal that programs for the family, to gain the degree of favorable opinion and financial support necessary for large aims, must appeal to the investment motive. Investment in the competence of the nation’s human-power by careful engineering can appeal to a powerful investment motive—a person’s interest in advancing one’s own career or one’s child’s, while improving the most strategic of all factors of production, labor. It is proper to seek the rehabilitation of the disabled, but if the attention of family agencies goes on further than to release the disabled from dependency, then the agencies still deserve to be described as fixated at the therapeutic stage. Even the Swedish family policy, aimed only at preventing or arresting the economic consequences of a declining population, stops short of the goal of national action implicit in American ideas. If we think of this nation as a household, and manage it as a set of conditions for the cultivation of competence, we can hope to complete a benevolent circle, from more production to higher income to better consumption and the optimal development of human resources, and thence back again to production. #RandolphHarris 17 of 20

The Word of God is very clear. The God we worship, the Christ we love, is in Heaven. It is as we approach Him there, and by faith apprehend our union with Him in spirit there, that we are raised with Him above the plane of the lower Heavens where the powers of darkness reign, and seated with Him, see them under His feet. The Lord’s words recorded in the Gospel of John, chapters 14, 15, and 16, give the truth very clearly concerning His indwelling the believer. The “in Me” speaks of being with Him in His Heavenly position (John 14.20)—the result of the believer’s faith in Him; and the “I in you”—spoken to the company of disciples, and hence to the Body of Christ as a whole—follows as a result in the life of the individual believer. This union with the Person in the glory results in the inflow and outflow of His Spirit and life through the believer on Earth (see Phil. 1.19). In other words, the “subjective” is the result of the “objective.” The fact that Christ is in Heaven is the basis of faith for the subjective inflow of His life and power by the Holy Spirit of God. There are three elements in ontological concepts: individuality—universality, dynamics—form, freedom—destiny. Polarity is a mode of conception and development in relation of interdependent elements, each of which is necessary for the other one and for the whole, although it is in tension with the opposite element. Neither pole can stand by itself’ it needs the other to complement it. However at the same time, both poles clash as they expand at the expense of one another. Thus the poles limit and sustain each other. #RandolphHarris 18 of 20

However, this ideal balance can be upset, for under the impact of finitude, polarity becomes tension, which is the tendency of unified elements to draw away tension, which is the tendency of unified elements to draw away from one another in opposite directions. Individualization and Participation: Individualization is implied in the self which, like a mathematical point, cannot be divided. Though every being is analogously an individual, man is the totally centered self, completely individualized. He is a person. The individual self of every being participates in its environment, but man, the microcosm, participates in the whole universe by means of the rational structure of mind and reality. Finally, when individualization reached the perfect form which we call a “person,” participation reaches the perfect form which we call “communion”—participation in another self who also is a person. Dynamics and Form: Being a self, being an individual, being something—this means having a form. The form which makes a thing what it is, is its content, its essential, its definite power of being. However, a form must form something which we call dynamics. Dynamics cannot be conceptualized but only symbolized, for it has no form, and yet it is not pure nothingness. It is the me on, the potentiality of being, which is nonbeing in contrast to pure nonbeing—for example, Bergson’s elan vital, Nietzche’s will to power, and the unconscious of Dr. Freud. In human experience dynamics appears as vitality, the power of life and growth. Form appears as intentionality, the grasping and shaping of reality through universals and meaningful structures. To put it in still another way, self-transcendence (dynamics) is always in polar balance with self-conservation (form). #RandolphHarris 19 of 20

Freedom and Destiny: In describing this ontological element, we come to understand that freedom of a thing is contradictory. Only man is free, the total self, including even the cells and atoms of his body which share in the constitution of that individual, personal center. Furthermore, man experiences himself as a bearer of freedom, but within the larger structure to which he belongs. Destiny is the World to which man pertains—his body, psychic drives, temperament, social community, material surroundings, conscious and unconscious past, and, above all, his former free decisions. Destiny is not a strange power which determines what shall happen to me. It is myself as given, formed by nature, history, and myself. My destiny is the basis of my freedom, my freedom participates in shaping my destiny. Within the bounds of destiny man experiences freedom as deliberation, decision, and responsibility. Obviously, the polarity freedom-destiny can be applied only analogously to beings inferior to man. In the subhuman realm it appears as the polarity of spontaneity and law. The three ontological polarities have been viewed horizontally, with each polar element in balance with its opposite. If one were to split them vertically, the first side of these polarities—individuality, dynamics, and freedom—would express the self-relating power of being. The second side—universality, form, and destiny—expressed the belongingness of being, its participation in the universe of being. Thus the basic self-World structure is manifest within the ontological polarities. #RandolphHarris 20 of 20

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The close fabric of economic relations is regulated by money, the abstract expression of work—that is to say, we receive different quantities of the same for different quantities for different qualities; and we give money for what we receive—again exchanging only different quantities for different qualities. Many people think that those who have acquired nice things are lucky, but this is generally not the case. It is called capitalism. People work hard, earn money, and buy the things they like. Generally, the only people who claim to not like capitalism are lazy people because they do not want to work for the things they want. They would rather become jealous, remain unindustrious, and have wealth redistributed so they can afford to have nice things. Practically nobody, with the exception of the farm population, could live for even a few days without receiving and spending money, which stands for the abstract quality of concrete work. The Second Wave created mass societies that reflected and require mass production. In Third Wave, brain-based economies, mass production (which could almost be considered the defining mark of industrial society) is already and outmoded form. De-massified production—short runs of highly customized products—is the new cutting edge of manufacture. Mass marketing gives way to market segmentation and “particle marketing,” paralleling the change in production. Old industrial-style behemoths collapse of their own mass and face destruction. Labor unions in the mass manufacturing sector shrink. #RandolphHarris 1 of 18

The mass media are de-massified in parallel with production, and giant TV net works shrivel as new channels proliferate. The family system, too, becomes de-massified: the nuclear family, once the modern standard, becomes a minority form while single-parent households, remarried couples, childless families and live-alones proliferate. The entire structure of society, therefore, changes as the homogeneity of Second Wave society is replaced by the heterogeneity of Third Wave civilization. Massification gives way to de-massification. In turn, the very complexity of the new system requires more and more information exchanges among its units—companies, government agencies, hospitals, associations, other institutions, even individuals. This creates a ravenous need for computers, digital telecommunications networks and new media. Simultaneously, the pace of technological change, transactions and daily life speeds up. In fact, Third Wave economies operate at speeds so accelerated that their premodern suppliers can barely keep pace. Moreover, as information increasingly substitutes for bulk raw materials, labor and other resources, Third Wave countries become less dependent on First Wave or Second Wave partners, except for markets. More and more they do business with each other. Eventually, their highly capitalized, knowledge-based technology will take over many tasks now done by the countries with affordable labor and actually to them faster, better—and more inexpensively. #RandolphHarris 2 of 18

These changes threaten to slash many of the existing economic links between the rich economies and the less affluent. Complete de-coupling is impossible. It is not possible to stop pollution, disease and immigration from penetrating the borders of the Third Wave countries. Tensions between the Third Wave civilization and the two older forms of civilizations will continue to rise, and the new civilization may well fight to establish global hegemony, just as Second Wave modernizers did with respect to the First Wave premodern societies in centuries past. Noce this concept of the clash of civilizations is grasped, it helps us make sense of many seemingly odd phenomena—today’s flaring nationalism, for instance. Nationalism is the ideology of the nation-state, which is a product of the industrial revolution. Thus, as First Wave, or agrarian, societies seek to start or complete their industrialization, they demand the trappings of nationhood. Former Soviet republics like the Ukraine or Estonia or Georgia fiercely insist on self-determination, and demand yesterday’s marks of modernity—the flags, armies and currencies that defined the nation-state during the Second Wave, or industrial, era. It is hard for may in the high-tech World to comprehend the motivations of ultra-nationalists. Their puffed-up patriotism strikes many as amusing. It calls to mind the land of Freedonia in the Marx Brothers’ movie Duck Soup, which satirized national superiority as two fictional nations went to war. #RandolphHarris 3 of 18

By contrast, it is incomprehensible to nationalists how some countries allow others to invade their sacred independence. Yet the “globalization” of business and finance required by the advancing Third Wave economies routinely punctures the national “sovereignty” the new nationalists hold so dear. As economies are transformed by the Third Wave, they are compelled to surrender part of their sovereignty and to accept increasing economic and cultural intrusions from one another. Thus, while poets and intellectuals of economically backward regions write national anthems, poets and intellectuals of Third Wave states sing the virtues of a “borderless” World and “planetary consciousness.” The resulting collisions, reflecting the sharply differing needs of two radically different civilizations, could provoke some of the worst bloodshed in the years to come. If today’s redivision of the World from two into three parts seems less than obvious right ow, it is simply because the transition from Second Wave brute-force economies to Third Wave brain-force economies is nowhere yet complete. Even in the United States of America, Japan and Europe, the domestic battle for control between Third and Second Wave elites is still not over. Important Second Wave institutions and sectors of production still remain, and Second Wave political lobbies still cling to power. The “mix” of Second and Third Wave elements in each high tech country gives each its own characteristic “formation.” Nevertheless, the trajectories are clear. #RandolphHarris 4 of 18

The globally competitive race will be won by the countries that complete their Third Wave transformation with the least amount of domestic dislocation and unrest. In the meantime, the historic change from a bisected to a trisected World could well trigger the deepest power struggles on the planet, as each country tries to position itself in the emerging three-tiered power structure. Behind this monumental reallocation of power lies a change in the role, significance and nature of knowledge. As far as the global economy rebalancing is concerned, this is not the end of the story. The global downturn years brought an important change: as export dwindled, a greater part of the made-in-America consumer products stater to be sold domestically. Real private consumption is at 53 percent. American is going through a resurgence of private consumption growth. Since March 2020, we have all learned more about supply chains and global trade than we ever expected. We understand better than ever how the global supply chain affects what shows up on our shelves—or what does not (like toilet paper, bleach, soap, building materials and automobile parts, and the microchip shortage). Although sourcing supplies for lower-cost regions of the World seems to make sense, it can cause Americans to lose their jobs and businesses, and leaves us vulnerable to shutdowns, lockdowns, and shortages. This visibility has heightened awareness and lead to a shift of consumer preference that has made people become more patriotic. Consumers are willing to pay up to 20 percent more for goods made in the USA. This is true for consumer goods as well as business-to-business and industrial purchases. #RandolphHarris 5 of 18

In addition, many people believe that buying America is part of supporting the American heritage and that USA-made goods are superior. Of course, our shift toward buying American comes after a nearly 30-year cycle of demand for lower-cost goods that pushed production from the United States of America into lower-cost regions of the World. This cycle is shifting back to USA soil as people realize that the ultimate cost can damage the national economy. It could perhaps even risk our position of power and influence in the World. For every $1 invested in USA manufacturing, $1.81 in value is generated in return. Manufacturers contribute $2.17 trillion to the national economy—over 12 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP), or the measure of the market value of the country’s output of products and services. Manufacturing also supports more than 40 million jobs in the USA. What funds this activity? Demand from consumers—and when we buy American and buy local, we are creating more demand for goods manufactured right here. Small businesses also have an enormous collective power. In fact, together US-based small businesses generate $4.8 trillion in gross domestic product (GDP)—making them equivalent to the third-largest economy in the World. Buying products made in America comes with a sense of fulfillment. Many people say that they feel great satisfaction knowing that they are behind a product that makes people’s lives easier and contributes to our national and local economy. #RandolphHarris 6 of 18

Families ascending from low to middle-income bracket are usually increasing their consumption at the highest pace. Since hundreds of millions of American households have more consumer power, this wave will continue for decades to come, enabling America to grow even in times when we face a recession. According to functionalist theory, prostitution exists because it serves several important functions for society generally and for certain people in society. It provides a source of income for many people who otherwise might be jobless, and it provides a sexual alternative for men with motivations. Nearly one hundred years ago, sociologist Dr. Kingsley Davis wrote that prostitution even lowers the divorce rate. Because prostitution is generally impersonal, these john and janes do not usually fall in love with their prostitutes, and their marriages are not threatened. According to conflict theory, prostitution reflects the economic inequality in society. Many less affluent people feel compelled to become prostitutes because of their lack of money; because wealthier people have many other sources of income, the idea of becoming a prostitute is something they may only do for fun and a lot of money. Sad but interesting historical support for this view comes from an increase in prostitution in the second half of the nineteenth century. Many women lost husbands and boyfriends in the war and were left penniless. Lacking formal education and living in a society that at the time offered few job opportunities to women, many of these bereaved women were forced to turn to prostitution to feed their families and themselves. #RandolphHarris 7 of 18

The prostitute-as-victim and prostitute-as-survivor identifications were made possible by the dissolving of the symbolic boundaries between “normal” and “abnormal” men so that all men with whom the respondents had (or might have) a relationship with became both (i) boyfriends and potential pimps; and (ii) ordinary men doing what comes naturally and abnormal dangerous men. The meanings for “men,” “violence” and “danger” were fused together so that all men became “risky,” “dangerous” (in the sense of individuals who threatened the women’s overall social, material and, occasionally, physical safety) and/or “suspect” (in the sense of individuals could not be trusted). This meant that the women were unable to take anything in their relationship with men for granted, at the same time as necessarily having to recognize and ignore the potential threats and risks inherent in their relations with men in order to continue with their day-to-day lives. The conflation of men with danger is most evident in the women’s talk about “pimps” who posed the specific threat of violence and financial exploitation. Earlier it was noted that the term “pimp” was used by the women in three distinct ways. Until this point, the term pimp has been used as a descriptive label. However, “pimps” also occupied a crucial and pivotal symbolic space in that the term was used in an imaginary fashion to represent the archetypal dangers of involvement in prostitution. At various points in all the narratives, the respondents separated “pimps” from boyfriends. #RandolphHarris 8 of 18

“Pimps” were sadistically violent men who would rape, kidnap, and entrap women, taking all their money from whom there was no escape, no resistance, no sanctuary. In the construction of this symbolic category, the women drew on discourses of criminal men which situated such men as “outsiders” in relation to ordinary morality and on discourses of masculinity which essentialized male violence so that “pimps” were constructed as men who are always and already violent. Hence, Helena (age 35) was able to comment: “Pimps are not like other men. They ain’t got no heart. They only ever want money.” Similarly, Anna (aged 36): “After I killed my [pimp], I realized that it weren’t really his fault that he was like that. [Like what?] Well, raping me and beating up on me, making me have sex with dogs and sh*t, taking all my money. Some men are just like that. I think it’s in their nature. The one thing I’ve learned is that you gotta steer clear of [pimps]. It’s just too dangerous to get involved with them.” (Anna, aged 36.) And yet, the distinction between “pimps” and other men (and especially other men as boyfriends) was also dissolved. Part of the set of meanings in which men represented “risk” was an understanding of men as being “suspect” (id est not trustworthy). Boyfriends were especially suspect because the women could never trust or be sure that the individual boyfriend they were involved with was not, in fact, a pimp. In other words, there was a notable construction of all partners with whom the women had relationships as being also (at least potentially) pimps. #RandolphHarris 9 of 18

Witness the following: “You gotta watch having boyfirneds, coz he’ll [pimp] ya if you’re not careful. In the end you think, boyfriend, [pimp], boyfriend, [pimp], what’s the difference? All boyfriends will [pimp] you in the end.” (Barbara, age 24.) Boyfriends became potential pimps, the respondents believed, because of the women’s engagement in prostitution. The women believed that they turned their boyfriends into pimps by being willing to share their money with them. “…it was my fault that he turned into my [pimp]. I’d give him money. I mean, he started getting violence, coz he started to want more and he was spending all my money on drink and drugs. I completely changed him.” (Michelle, aged 33.) At the same time as dissolving the boundary between boyfriends and pimps, the above extract (and others like it) demonstrate that the women also resurrected that boundary. Boyfriends became pimps when they got “greedy.” Put another way, for many interviewees, the difference between boyfriends and pimps was not a matter of economics or economic exploitation because they understood all relationships as having an exchange of money (and not necessarily an equal sharing of the total resources of the couple). Rather, the difference was whether or not the women believed that their boyfriends were taking more money than they were “due.” The simultaneously expressed prostitute-as-victim and prostitute-as-survivor identifications were made possible by a restructuring of the meanings of men and violence wherein men came to represent risk. Within such a symbolic landscape, the interviewees were able to construct their relationships with john, boyfriends and pimps as being risky and, therefore, were able to locate themselves as victims and survivors of these relationships. #RandolphHarris 10 of 18

Moreover, the men-as-risk symbolic landscape permitted the women to tell contradictory stories of engagement in prostitution as being both a specific form of victimization and a means to survive once the battle had been won. Women’s engagement in prostitution cannot be understood without a recognition of their material conditions and how those conditions give shape to a particular and necessary reordering of the meanings of men, money, and violence. When women’s accounts are analyzed the question that arises is how their stories, which appear to lack a coherent rationale, can make sense. To his end, the symbolic level, the contradictions of prostitution are resolved into a calm unity of coherent thought via the symbolic strategies by which the women were located as workers and commodified bodies, as business women and loving partners and as victims and survivors (and the shifting meaning of men, money, and violence that underpinned those strategies). This is why people do not allow their kids to listen to certain kind of music, as it makes people think that violence and violence towards women and sexual immorality is acceptable. At a young age, one may take that perspective as gospel. Therefore, it is advised for parents to screen the media that their children are consuming in effort to prevent them from becoming abusers or victims. Youth do not yet have a firm grip on what it means to be an adult and we want them to grow up to be good citizens, honest, and hardworking. The goal is to make the youth successful, not prime them to spend life in prison. #RandolphHarris 11 of 18

Because so many people have a mistaken idea about the location of God—used by psychopathological offenders as the groundwork for manifestations which seem to support this concept—have come about the delusions of believers during past ages, and in recent years, who assert themselves to be “Christ.” On the same premise will come about the great deception at the end of the age, foretold by the Lord in Matthew 24.24, of the “false Christs” and false prophets; and the “I am the Christ” claim by leaders of groups of side-tracked believers, and the thousands of others who have been sent to asylums even though not truly monomaniacs. The psychopathological offender’s richest harvest is from the effects of one’s counterfeits; and unwittingly, many sober and faithful teachers of “holiness” have assisted them n their deceptions through the use of language which gives a materialistic idea of spiritual things, and which is eagerly laid hold of by the natural mind. Those who locate God personally and wholly in themselves, by their assertions, practically “divine” persons. God is not wholly in any man or woman. He dwells in those who receive Him, by His own Spirit communicated to them. “God is Spirit,” and mind and body cannot hold communion with spirit. Sensuous feelings, or “conscious” physical enjoyment of some supposed spiritual presence, is not true communion of spirit with Spirit, such as the Father seeks from those who worship Him (john 4.24). #RandolphHarris 12 of 18

God is in Heaven. Christ the Glorified Man is in Heaven. The location of the God we worship is of supreme importance. If we think of our God as in us, and, around us, for our worship and for our “enjoyment,” we unwittingly open the door to the psychological offenders in the atmosphere which surrounds us—instead of our penetrating in spirit through the lower Heavens to the throne of God, which is in the highest Heaven, “above all principality and power,…and every name that is named, not only in this World, but also in that which is to come,” reports Ephesians 1.21. The first ontological concept is that of the basic ontological structure, self and World. The question of being supposes a subject who asks and an object about which one asks. This subject-object structure, in turn, reveals the self-World structure of being. Man occupies the dominant position in ontology, for, although every being shares in the structure of being, only man is aware of it. Moreover, all levels of being are united in man and can be approached through him. Man experiences himself as a “self,” as being separated in some way from everything else, having everything else opposite one’s self, being able to look at it and to act upon it. At the same time, however, this self is aware that it belongs to that at which it looks. More precisely, man has an ego-self, since his self includes self-consciousness in addition to its subconscious and unconscious basis. By analogy, then, selfhood or self-centeredness is attributed to all beings, organic and inorganic. #RandolphHarris 13 of 18

Man, the ego-self, has a World, a structural which he belongs and which he perceives. The self of every being inferior to man has at least an environment to which it belongs, but which it cannot transcend. Self and World stand in polar relation. The self without a World is empty; the World without a self is dead. The self-World polarity underlies the subject-object structure. It also explains logos. For objective reason is the structured whole of the World, and subjective reason is the structural centeredness of the self. The basic ontological structure is a polarity that cannot be derived, but only accepted. If one asks, “What precedes self and World?”—the answer must come from revelation, for reason stands at the brink of its limits. The transfer of production from the home to the factory is the principal cause for the existence of the family agencies we call economic. Since the Industrial Revolution and until recently there has been a definite distinction between agencies explicitly concerned with the financial or economic welfare of the family and the other general industrial and economic institutions of the community. This distinction has held good except in the case of family farms and businesses. In these, production—even if only for direct consumption—has always been subordinate and instrumental to the welfare of the families who carried it on. The same cannot be said of the new institutions to which most of the productive functions of the family have been transferred. These institutions—corporations in the main—have taken on only limited responsibility for their customers and employees. #RandolphHarris 14 of 18

They pay for goods or services rendered and in turn supply goods and services in return for payment. If it is asserted that the efficiency of corporations ultimately leads to the greater welfare of families, it has also been asserted that the welfare of families, at least of employees, has often been subordinated to the efficiency of corporations. Empirically, the gains and losses to families have to be calculated not just in economic terms, but in such noneconomic values as health, education, recreation, and family solidarity. As mentioned earlier, the task of economic family agencies is largely to make up for deficiencies in family resources caused by industrialization. The major problem, of course, has been the maintenance of income. The extreme division of labor and the commercialization or economic activity has made each family extremely dependent on the continuous and regular receipt of income. The paycheck of the family wage-earner is the nexus between the family and most of the other institutions of the community. If this vital tie is broken, the results are potentially disastrous. And become it is frequently broken, due to age, unemployment, layoff, sickness, accident, or business failure, many family agencies have arisen to repair the break or remedy some of the consequences. #RandolphHarris 15 of 18

The development of family agencies devoted to income maintenance closely follows our three stages of social policy, but it can usefully be elaborated into five: the situation in which family resources are inadequate to meet sporadic severe demands on income, and where the family through banking and lending agencies, engages in saving and borrowing to level out the peaks and valleys of income receipt; the situation in which reciprocity on either a neighborly or commercial basis is inadequate, and necessary minimum assistance is given unilaterally and more or less philanthropically by charitable agencies; the situation in which agencies make efforts to rehabilitate the earning power in individual cases of economic breakdown; the situation in which a degree of reciprocity and co-operative self-help is restored through insurance schemes; and the situation in which comprehensive community action so organizes economic relations that the continuous receipet of an adequate income in which comprehensive community action so organizes economic relations that the continuous receipt of an adequate income is assured to all families, save the most disabled. In this elaboration, the first and last stages of our earlier three-stage sequence have been broken down into two stages. While the social policy on family income maintenance has evolved in these five stages, all these stages have in some form endured to the present. These stages could thus alternatively be construed as types of family agencies which grew in response to different family situations and needs. #RandolphHarris 16 of 18

At the fifth stage, what action there has been thus far has largely been limited to a selected public. The incomes of some groups have been raised through a redistribution of income among workers and employers. On the private side, of course, this had meant such agencies as unions and producer cooperatives; on the public side, it has lead to minimum wage legislation like the Fair Labor Standards Act of the federal government, or the minimum wage orders affecting service industries in certain states. The five-year General Motors-United Auto Worker contract represented recognition of the corporation’s responsibility for the maintenance and steady enhancement of the standard of living of employee families, and of the union’s responsibility for a continuous contribution to the productivity of the corporation. So far measures for the enhancement of income have been carried on independently of measures for its stabilization at a minimum level; minimum income levels have been considered a palliative rather than an ideal. Corporation-union contracts, for example, furnish new examples as et of full acceptance of responsibility for continuity of employment or income. The most impressive exception is the postwar establishment of employee pensions in industry. Nonetheless, stability at a high level (the guaranteed annual wage) had been stated s a future objective, if not an immediate goal. Moreover, without fanfare or formal acceptance of responsibility, every economic institution is steadily transferring a higher proportion of its personnel to a salaried status. #RandolphHarris 17 of 18

If and when the major of family breadwinners achieve the security and predictability of salaried positions, they will not only have left behind much of necessity for present day ameliorative schemes for assuring minimum income during adversity, but they will have entered upon an economic way of life superior by far to the security offered by the most self-sufficient of family farms. If and when that state of affairs comes to be, then our current distinction between family agencies and nonresponsible other economic institutions will have become in part irrelevant. On the other hand, each year that passes more fully deprives the traditional family of a major function that as yet no other agency fills with assurance; that is its role in vocational guidance and training. On the family far or in small businesses, the normal course was doe the heirs of the family to carry it on. Their vocational choice was so gradually assumed for earliest years that they had no sense of a ack of freedom; they could observe and learn all the habits and ways of work with minimum effort. However, now inheritance of an occupation is the privilege of a decreasing minority, and even these frequently feel a sense of conflict about stepping into paternal shoes. Preparation for a career involves the development of a vocational identity, a commitment and an education. This calls for much more than is supplied by employment exchanges and guidance bureaus. No simple counseling job referrals can handle the problem; it is a task for social engineering. #RandolphHarris 18 of 18

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The bizarre 20s initiated a wave of political and governmental change of historic proportions: the gender and sexuality crisis, the replacement of President Trump, the virtual elimination of the Republican party, the collapse of law and order in California (and the rise of lawlessness and anti-Christian sentiment and general anarchy). Again and again there are startling changes under way in politics and government. Politicians, columnists, the people, and academics all seem confused by the scale of change. There is an inevitable focus on the pain of those who have been dominant and the disorientation of those who have been powerful. The agony of the present is outweighing the promise of the future. When we look at this phenomenon, what seems to some a brilliant, exciting period of innovation is actually a terrifying collapse of the existing order. We have seen a terrifying decline of order and stability rather than the precursor of a new, more productive and more open future. This acceleration of change is threatening to overwhelm people everywhere and the way in which it often disorients individuals, businesses, communities and governments. There is no language to communicate the problems we face, no vision to outline the future towards which we should strive, and no program to help accelerate and make easier the rebirth of sanity, law, order, and God. The reality is that transformation is going on everyday in the private sector among entrepreneurs and with citizens who are inventing new things and creating new solutions because bureaucracy does not stop them. #RandolphHarris 1 of 20

A new civilization is emerging in our lives, and blind men everywhere are trying to suppress it. This new civilization brings with it new family styles, changed ways of working, loving, and living, a new economy, new political conflicts, and beyond all this an altered consciousness as well. Humanity faces a quantum leap forward. It faces the deepest social upheaval and creative restructuring of all time. Without clearly recognizing it, we are engaged in building a remarkable new civilization from the ground up. This is the meaning of the Third Wave. Until now the human race has undergone two great waves of change, each one largely obliterating earlier cultures or civilization and replacing them with ways of life inconceivable to those who came before. The First Wave of change—the agricultural revolution—took thousands of years to play itself out. The Second Wave—the rise of industrial civilization—took a mere three hundred years. Today history is even more accelerative, and it is likely that the Third Wave will sweep across history and complete itself in a few decades. Those of us who happen to share the planet at this explosive moment will therefore feel the full impact of the Third Wave in our lifetimes. The Third Wave brings with it a genuinely new way of life based on diversified, renewable energy sources; on methods of production that make most factory assembly lines obsolete; on new, non-nuclear families; on a novel institution that might be called the “electronic cottage;” and on radically changed schools and corporations of the future. #RandolphHarris 2 of 20

The emergent civilization writes a new code of behavior for us and carries us beyond standardization, synchronization and centralization, beyond the concentration of energy, money and power. This new civilization has its own distinctive World outlook; its own ways of dealing with time, space, logic, and causality. And, its own principles for the politics of the future. Most people, to the extent that they bother to think about the future at all, assume the World they know will last indefinitely. They find it difficult to imagine a truly different way of life for themselves, let alone a totally new civilization. Of course, they recognize that things are changing. However, they assume today’s changes will somehow pass them by and that nothing will shake the familiar economic framework and political structure. They confidently expect the future to continue as the present. Recent events have severely shaken this confident image of the future. A bleaker vision has become increasingly popular. Large numbers of people fed on a steady diet of bad news, disaster movies, and nightmare scenarios issues by prestigious think tanks have apparently concluded that today’s society cannot be projected into the future because there is no future. For them, Armageddon is only minutes away. The Earth is racing toward its final cataclysmic shudder. #RandolphHarris 3 of 20

Our argument is based on what we call the “revolutionary premise.” It assumes that, even though the decades immediately ahead are likely to be filled with upheavals, turbulence, perhaps even widespread violence, we will not totally destroy ourselves. It assumes that the jolting changes we are now experiencing are not chaotic or random but they, in fact, form a sharp, clearly discernible pattern. It assumes, moreover, that these changes are cumulative—that they add up to a giant transformation in the way we live, work, play and think, and that a sane and desirable future is possible. What follows begins with the premise that what is happening now is nothing less than a global revolution, a quantum leap. It flows from the assumption that we are the final generation of an old civilization and the first generation of a new one, that much of our personal confusion, anguish, and disorientation can be traced directly to the conflict within us and within our political institutions, between the dying Second Wave civilization and the emergent Third Wave civilization that is thundering in to take its place. When we finally understand this, many seemingly senseless events become suddenly comprehensible. Broad patterns of change begin to emerge clearly. Action for survival becomes possible and plausible again. The revolutionary premise liberates our intellect and will. One powerful new approach might be called social “wavefront” analysis. It looks at history as a succession of rolling waves of change and asks where the leading edge of each wave is carrying us. #RandolphHarris 4 of 20

It focuses our attention not so much on the continuities of history (important as they are) as on the discontinuities, on innovations and breakpoints. It identifies key change patterns as they emerge so that we can influence them. It begins with the very simple idea that the rise of agriculture was the first turning point in human social development and that the industrial revolution was the second great breakthrough. It views each of these not as a discrete, one-time event but as a wave of change moving at a certain velocity. Before the First Wave of change, most humans lived in small, often migratory groups and fed themselves by foraging, fishing, hunting or herding. At some point, roughly ten millennia ago, the agricultural revolution began and crept slowly across the planet spreading villages, settlements, cultivated land and a new way of life. The First Wave of change had not yet exhausted itself by the end of the seventeenth century when the industrial revolution broke over Europe and unleashed the second great wave of planetary change. This new process began moving much more rapidly across nations and continents. Thus, two separate and distinct change processes were rolling across the Earth simultaneously, but at different speeds. Today the First Wave has virtually subsided. Only a few tiny pre-agrarian populations in South America or Papua New Guinea, for example, remain to be reached by agriculture. The force of this great First Wave has basically been spent. #RandolphHarris 5 of 20

Meanwhile, the Second Wave, having revolutionized life in Europe, North America and some other parts of the globe in a few short centuries, continues to spread, as many countries—until now basically agricultural—scramble to build steel mills, automobile plants, textile factories, railroads and food-processing plants. The momentum of industrialization is still felt. This Second Wave has not entirely spent its force. However, even as this process continues, another, even more important, has begun. For as the tide of industrialism peaked in the decades after World War II, a little-understood Third Wave began to surge across the Earth, transforming everything it touched. Many countries, therefore, are feeling the simultaneous impact on two, even three, quite different waves of change, all moving at different rates of speed and with different degrees of force behind them. For our purposes we shall consider the First Wave era to have begun sometime around 8000 B.C. and to have dominated the Earth unchallenged until sometime around A.D. 1650-1750. From this moment on, the First Wave lost momentum as the Second Wave picked up steam. Industrial civilization, the product of this Second Wave, then dominated the planet in its turn until it, too, crested. This latest historical turning point arrived in the United States of America during the decade beginning about 1955—a decade that saw white-collar and service workers outnumber blue-collar workers for the first time. #RandolphHarris 6 of 20

This was the same decade that saw the widespread introduction of the computer, commercial jet travel, the birth-control pill and other high-impact innovations. It was precisely during this decade that the Third Wave began to gather its force in the United States of America. Since then it has arrived at slightly different dates in most of the other industrial nations. Today all high-technology nations are reeling from the collision between the Third Wave and the obsolete, encrusted economies and institutions of the Second. Understanding this is the secret to making sense of much of the political and social conflict we see around us. If America allowed state-private capitalism based on a mixture of forms of ownership, it would generate increasingly strong market incentives for companies of all forms of ownership and provide a highly competitive environment. At the same time, this would allow the government to intervene in the economy in order to support industries and companies on the one hand, and to contain the threats of excessive lending, high-risk financial transactions, and asset bubbles on the other. By and large, such intervention does not inhibit market mechanisms. This model of capitalism will help American retain place as the economic superpower. This would prevent American from experiencing negative annual growth and help prevent recession by preventing the burst of bubble assets. #RandolphHarris 7 of 20

A mixed form of capitalism will slowly but surely, gradually but steadily, tackle major social and economic problems: starting from the agricultural reform and overcoming food shortages, and then allow the government to develop various kinds of nonstate enterprises and increase the supply of consumer goods; this will make the economy more attractive to foreign investors and liberalize imports. Creating State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) will lessen the burden on taxpayers, and allow SOEs to operate in the competitive environment; recapitalizing banks and resolving the nonperforming loans issue; strengthening social safety nets; promoting the development of midwestern economies; and so on. This evolutionary process will address such key problems as stability of energy and natural resources supplies, energy efficiency, and environment protection. Knowing the size of the economy is the critical first step for enabling law enforcement, the judicial system, and policymakers to make informed choices about how to combat illegal economic activity, such as prostitution. It is estimated that the prostitution economy is valued at $16 billion in the United States of America, as of 2023, and 67 percent of transactions are done in cash. Both the prostitute-as-worker and prostitute-as-commodified-body identifications were made possible by the fusing together of the meanings for “men” and “money.” Men were constructed as both income (id est sources of money) and as income which could only be generated through exchanging sex for money. #RandolphHarris 8 of 20

The construction of men as sources of money was an understanding of particular men (id est johns) which was applied to all men. This most clearly seen in the women’s repeated claims that “all men are johns.” As Gail (aged 28) said: “To me, all men are [johns]. As far as I’m concerned I couldn’t do it if it wasn’t bought. And if it’s not needed then why are we able to sell it.” Dominant discourses of male sexuality as a difficult to control, physical impulse provided the requisite ideological conditions in which the meanings for men and money could be fused together. The women portrayed male sexuality as a biologically drive, aggressive need, as “instrumental” rather than “expressive” and therefore they were able to characterize johns as any (and all) “normal” men doing only what “comes naturally.” The john/prostitute relationship could, thus, be understood as though it was simply a routine economic exchange in which normal (id est ordinary, typical and not deviant) men buy “outlets” for their physical needs. Combined with this understanding of all men as johns was the women’s belief that men as a group have easier access to and more money than women. This belief was most clear in the respondents’ talk about men not having childcare problems and so having better access to legal and illegal ways of earning money. Thus, the interviewees’ identification as both workers and commodified-bodies was made possible by a recoding of the meaning of men and money whereby men came to represent income. #RandolphHarris 9 of 20

Within such a symbolic landscape, the women were able to construct their prostituting as though it was nothing to do with sex and just routine economic exchange (with themselves in control of and the beneficiaries of that exchange) and as though it had everything to do with sex (with their rentable female private parts the object of the exchange). And, contradictorily, the same symbolic World permitted the women to tell stories in which men as johns (id est purchasers) and as pimps (id est owners) take control of prostitutes’ commodified bodies. Hence, involvement in prostitution becomes a web of economic relationships over which the women believed they had control via ownership of their rentable bodies and absolutely no control or ownership as slaves to their pimps. The identification of prostitutes-as-business-women occurred in seventeen of the twenty-one narratives. This identification was comprised of an understanding of prostitutes ad being rational economic agents involved in weighing up the costs and benefits of particular courses of action, wherein individual women appraised themselves of, and in relation to, the respective financial and social costs accruing from being involved with men. This is an identification that is distinguished from the prostitute-as-worker identification from within the business women identification the women talked about themselves as “smart.” #RandolphHarris 10 of 20

“Stick-up men” who deployed both rules and business metaphors when discussing the “business” of robbery, the women in this study positioned themselves as “smart women” working “the right way.” Such talk differed according to whether or not the women were being pimped at the time the interviews took place. For the women who were not being pimped, being a business woman an working the “right way” meant maximizing income whilst reducing the possibility of exploitation. There were two fundamental rules: business women should not have any personal or intimate relationships with men; and, business women should not be naïve about men. The women could demonstrate their business-like status by showing their willingness to accept these rules. “I reckon if you work, you gotta stop being naïve. You have to see men for what they are. [Do you mean johns?] No, I mean men. You have to be professional about how you see all men. They’ll live off you if they can.” (Olivia, aged 28.) In contrast, the women who were being pimped at the time of the interviews talked about a different rule. They said that working the right way meant minimizing the risk of violence that is associated with street work. The primary strategy used was to get a pimp. Hence, Anna (age 36) made the following remarks: “The street’s a dangerous place. If you’re gonna be smart you have to have a man to protect ya and make sure no one kidnaps you or drives off with you. So what if you have to give him some money.” (Anna, aged 36.) #RandolphHarris 11 of 20

For these women, the pimp’s dress and outward appearance were used to demonstrate their own business success: “You want your [pimp] to look good, man. You want them to dress good, get nice cars and wicked gold. You give them your money so they can look good. I look at it as good advertising, you know? If I were some stupid crackhead or something, I couldn’t be earning the money I earn to make my man look good.” (Katrina, aged 20.) In contrast, in nine of the twenty-one women’s narratives was an identification of prostitutes-as-loving-partners making choices and taking courses of action based on the love they felt for the men they were involved with, rather than rules for business success. This identification was constructed in relation to the specific relationships the respondents had with men who financially exploited them (rather than within generalized notions of particular categories of men—id est “pimp,” “partner,” et cetera). The women talked about themselves as willing to sacrifice their earnings, their safety and their security for their partners. The women were symbolically transforming their relationships with (often violent and) exploitative men from “business” relationship, or even abusive relationships, into intimate, loving, romantic and above all else non-prostitution related relationships. Andrea’s remarks below demonstrate the manner in which she erased the possibility of the violent relationship she experienced as being a relationship which was specific to her involvement in prostitution: “I don’t suppose he really was a [pimp]….I think he’s the only person I ever really loved. Even now I sometimes get upset over it, coz I did love him. I was willing to give him everything I’d got—body, soul EVERYTHING.” (Andrea, aged 27.) #RandolphHarris 12 of 20

The prostitute-as-loving-partner identification was also made possible by the way in which the women drew on dominant notions of how romantic love is experienced by women as being sublimation of their desires and a centralizing of their partner’s desires. “To tell you the truth, I was that besotted [id est in loved] with him that I’d give him everything. I’d give him the f*cking World. I’d give him all my money and he’d beat me up. But I carried on giving him my money. You do, don’t you when you love some one?” (Ruthie, age 25.) God has commanded that the sacred power be expressed only between a man ana women who are legally married. Virtue brings peace, strength of character, and happiness in this life. Our Heavenly Father knew that we would be faced with many choices and challenges, and virtuous living would prepare us to succeed. For many of you, the day you were blessed was a first step on your journey of a virtuous life. Youth is a defining time in which you can develop patterns of virtue that will help you take necessary steps toward eternal life. To navigate through difficult times, we need the iron rod, which represents that word of God. We must study and understand the truths and commandments found in scriptures. We must listen carefully to the words of our latter-day prophets, whose teachings will give us guidance, direction, and protection. And we must hold to the standards found in the Holy Bible. One way we can withstand the pressures of the World is “stand in holy places, and be not moved,” reports Doctrines and Covenants 87.8. #RandolphHarris 13 of 20

For the person becomes passive in volition and mind, one is held by deceiving offenders and no longer has the power to act, or is driven into psychopathological activity—uncontrollable activity of thought, restlessness of body, and wild, unbalanced action of all degrees. The actions are spasmodic and intermittent, the person sometimes dashing ahead and at other times being sluggish and slow—like a machine in a factory with the wheels whirring aimlessly, because the switch at the control center is out of the hand of the master. The human cannot work, even when one sees so much to be done, and is feverish because one cannot do it. During the time of passivity one appeared to be content, but when one is driven into psychopathological activity, one is restless and out of accord with all things around one. Though one’s environment should lead one to a state of full contentment, yet something (may it not be “somebody”?) makes it impossible for one to be in harmony with one’s external circumstances, however pleasant they may be. One is conscious of a restlessness and activity which is painfully feverish; or else of passivity and weight, of a doing of “work” and yet no work. All these are manifestations of a psychopathic destruction of one’s peace. Theonomy is a logically smooth juncture of our concepts of culture and ultimate concern. Culture is form, and for content it must look elsewhere—in its depths. However, at the depts one discovers ultimate concern, the power and meaning which breathes a soul into the otherwise dead body of culture. #RandolphHarris 14 of 20

 In theonomy the body is vigorous and bursting with the energy of a truly ultimate concern. Religion and culture are theonomously one. Culture and its nation, function, elements, styles, types, and ambiguities are of value and interest for philosophers, historians, sociologists, anthropologists, and also of pressing importance for theologians, since the notion of theonomous culture propels Christianity into the midst of the World. Theonomy demands that religion permeates the whole of society, even its hitherto considered profane areas. Without a close bond between religion and culture, theology is left with little to say to modern humans in the majority of one’s consuming activities. Humans today are not prepared to renounce the creations of literature, art, politics, science, and technology as stumbling blocks to the holy. On the contrary, if his attitude is at all religious, he tends to view them as steppingstones which lead to a fuller and profounder experience of the divine. The vision of culture in which ultimate concern informs the whole web of life and thought and for which the ultimate unity is an ever-present horizon, make religion relevant to culture in a profound way. The Church has been powerfully called back out of its self-chosen ghetto, out of its disregard for culture, to do its task for the World. #RandolphHarris 15 of 20

We have tried to show their one theonomous root and the void which necessarily has followed their separation, and perhaps something of the longing of our time for a new theonomy, for an ultimate concern in all our concerns. Since one of the depths of culture is fathomed, they are no longer deep, and the profundity of the secular maybe merely a nicer term for what in reality may be the scaling-down of the holy to the secular level. In this case, the divine transcendence is forfeited, and Christ does not break into history, but rather emerges from it as a kind of ideal. However, there is a danger of becoming exclusively secular. On the other hand, one might conclude that theonomy results in a total “sacralization” of the World which entails the disappearance of the profane, for the more deeply one probes into the secular heart, and even the atheistic heart, the more one perceives there the throb of an ultimate concern, the life-force of faith. In this case the transparency of the secular to the holy reduces the former to the status of a ghost. And if the secular disappears, does not the divine breakthrough lose its dramatic, unlooked-for, grace-full quality? If everything is holy, there is nothing to be broken through. Moreover, salvation is assured, and the preaching of Christ’s crucifixion and resurrection is no longer an urgent mission. Leaving the categories of secularization and sacralization, one finds the same ambiguity in theonomy in regard to the church. In one sense theonomy renders the church unnecessary, even dangerous, for the Spiritual Presence is active everywhere with no need for ecclesiastical channels, and the history of the church discloses the menace of heteronomy which lurks in it. #RandolphHarris 16 of 20

However, in another sense the church is inevitable, for the presence of the Spirit draws men together into a holy community where their ultimate concern drives through to the expression in symbols and cult. Considering theonomy in yet another context, one might claim that it does not correspond to the hard facts of the human existential situation, that a theonomous union of religion and culture has never existed, or, if it did, it was quickly eroded by man’s proclivity to sin. In a word, history dines theonomy. And yet, eschatology demands it. For theonomy echoes the yearning cry of the human soul to find God in all things; it corresponds, not perhaps to man’s achievement, but to his deepest religious instinct, to his most ardent hope. These alternative interpretations of theonomy indicate that even a prolonged study of its structure—religion is the substance of culture, and culture is the form of religion. One must delve into its theological content, specifically the notion of God, the meaning of Jesus Christ, the nature of the church, and the question of history and eschatology. A rather useful neologism has recently been added to economics. It is reprivatization. If the operation of the post office were detached from government control and put into the hands of the Railway Express Company, this would be an example of reprivatiztion. In contesting the notion of an inevitable drift to socialism, without gainsaying the desirability under some conditions of certain kinds of public enterprise, some writers seek to find a balance between private and public, appropriate to the situation faced. #RandolphHarris 17 of 20

From time to time this could require reprivatization, as it might nationalization at other times. This concept is directly applicable to the division of function and responsibility between private and public family agencies. And the insight it affords into the value problem entailed helps to illuminate the question of the transfer of functions, back and forth, between the family and the other institutions of the community. While transfer of some duty from a private family agency to a public body calls for a formal group decision, the shift of family responsibilities to private agencies and institutions is more often the result of thousands of unco-ordinated individua decisions. Nevertheless, either type of decision is tentative, conditional, reversible. Of course the effect of a given instance of reprivatization may be costly, but that has to be calculated against other costs, before a balance can be struck which will indicate the proper course of action. Suppose it were proven that an exceedingly valuable part of the development of a child was furthered by his participating in some form of work. Although the goods produced might in dollar-and-cent terms cost his parents more than if they went to the store and bough them, the net result might nonetheless be far more worth while; the same maybe true of adult do-it-yourself. #RandolphHarris 18 of 20

This example, of course, immediately suggest that the values which must be balanced in the management of a family are not reducible to dollars and cents. An economist may count the cost of developing the competence of a child, but a parent is hard put when one has to calculate its value, as against competing values. Who has yet plumped the mysterious calculus of human motivation which operates when parents must decide whether they can “afford” another child? At least in parenthood one thing is certain—the decline in standard of living which will result from having an extra mouth to feed. However, it must be left to social psychologists not yet with us to discern what goes on it courtship, when the man become sure that she is the maid to ask, and he, the man for her to accept. Despite the efforts of certain thinkers to impute to this tangled welter of subjective transactions some homogeneous, metaphysical medium of exchange analogous to money—libido, tension, energy, utility—the values which direct people’s actions remain incommensurable. No “classical economics of the psyche” has survived its author. And for that matter, has anything conclusive been recorded by economists about the process of value formation? For the present, the best we can do is to confine ourselves to a qualitative, and perhaps genetic account of values, and take for granted the fact that through, as yet little understood, and not conspicuously rational processes of thought and discussion, people balance and conciliate the seemingly incommensurable, and thus direct their own actions. #RandolphHarris 19 of 20

In tracing the evolution of the many kinds of family agencies from philanthropy through therapy to organized self-help, this balance of values among the parties concerned will be kept in the foreground as our principal mode of explanation. In this review, we shall follow a six-category classification of family agencies which is more or less cognate with the previous categories of conditions affecting the development of competence: medical agencies, economic agencies, protective agencies, counseling agencies, educational agencies, recreational agencies. Each class of agencies is thus presumed to be mainly engaged in affecting respective categories, but it should be evident that it affects other categories as well, and thus has some effect on all components of competence. What is the effect of alienation on mental health? The answer depends of course on what is meant by health; if it means that humans can fulfill their social function, carry on with production, and reproduce themselves, alienated humans can quite obviously be healthy. After all, we have created the most powerful production machine, accessible to the grasp of the madman. If we look into the current psychiatric definition of mental health, then one should think too that we are healthy. Quite naturally the concepts of health and illness are the products of those people who formulate them—hence of the culture in which these people live. Alienated psychiatrists will define mental health in terms of alienated personality, and therefore consider healthy what might be considered sick from the standpoint of normative humanism. #RandolphHarris 20 of 20

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Historians study the paths that have led from paths that have led from paradise or fearful despair to the present; futurists study the paths that lead from the present to a promised paradise or fearful despair. We will find out the results of some of our choices because we will live through them, but we will never know for sure what we missed. America faces a convergence of crises unmatched since its earliest days. Its family system is in crisis, but so is its health system, its urban systems, its vale system and above all, its political system, which for all practical purposes has lost the confidence of the people. How can we know what is true when it is difficult to tell fact from lies, when social media replicate unverified assertions and imagined truths a thousand-fold, when lies interfere with decision making, when popular opinion and democratic voting lead to answers that are unappealing or demonstrably wrong? History shows that propaganda can be based on lies masquerading as facts. Social media provide a new way to disseminate stories and amplify them, whether true or false. Confirmation basis is a quirk of human thinking that tends to make us more readily accept stories that confirm beliefs we already hold and reject those that challenge those beliefs. The consequences as we have seen can be catastrophic. The intensity and apparent validity of falsehoods will make them more dangerous in the future and camouflaging technology will become even better so the falsehoods will be better masked and harder to detect. #RandolphHarris 1 of 19

Why should these—and many other crises—all strike at approximately the same time in our history? Are they evidence of terminal decay in America? Are we at the “end of history”? Curing the problem may compromise freedoms that are basic to free societies. The longer we wait, the more difficult the resolution. America’s crises stem not from its failure but from its earlier success. Rather than the end of history, we are at the end of pre-history. Our smokestack industries have been laying off masses of manual workers. Our family structure has fractured, our mass media have de-massified, and our life styles and values have diversified. America has become a radically different place. This explains why all the old forms of political analysis no longer apply. Terms like “right-wing” and “left-wing” or “liberal” and “conservative” are drained of their familiar meanings. In Russia these days, we speak of Communists as “conservatives” and reformers as “radicals.” In the U.S.A., economic liberals may be social conservatives and vice versa. “Left-wing” Ralph Nader unites with “right-wing” Pat Buchanan to oppose NAFTA. Even more jarring and significant, however, is the growing transfer of political power away from our formal political structures—the Congress, the White House, the government agencies and political parties—to electronically-linked grassroots groups and to the media. These and other massive changes in American political life cannot be explained in political terms alone. They are related to equally deep changes in family life, in business, in technology, culture and values. #RandolphHarris 2 of 19

To govern in this period of high-speed change, disillusionment, and almost fratricidal conflict in society, we need a coherent approach to the twenty-first century. A defining characteristic of change today is its pace. Events move swiftly, and acceleration affects everything—even, it seems, the fate of books. Currently, the confusion between what is really happening or has happened and what might have been or might be, is enveloping us in a fog of artificial truth and we have to ask is it really a thunderstorm or is it the stroke of an artist’s digital brush? Is the boarder really overrun by people immigrating illegally, or are the images manipulated. As the Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels taught the World in the Second World War, lies repeated with emphasis and insistence come to be believed by listeners; the illusion of truth can be constructed. Psychologists have shown that lies can come to be believed even when the true facts are generally known; repetition makes lies seem more believable and generally accepted as truth. It worked for Barak Obama; it continues to work for politicians and even in democracies. The state of the art of artificial realis is so now advanced that human sense can no longer determine whether pictures are real and untouched, real but manipulated or wholly artificial. Truths can be half-truths or of the “it depends” type. Faces can also be sketched from DNA fragments. #RandolphHarris 3 of 19

Voices can be modified and constructed to fool friends, relatives, and even one’s self. Machines looking for telltale signs of manipulation can sometimes pick up subtle clues to artificiality, but the modification techniques are improving and it will not be long before all traces of manipulation are invisible to humans and sensors alike. When an image is captured in digital form, it is relatively easy to change its shape and color, to shrink it or enlarge it, to move it to another place in the frame, to another picture entirely, or to save it for future use. When an old image is moved to a new frame, it is not just “pasted on” but rather is integrated electronically with the original picture so that pixels that comprise the image flow continuously. Who needs witchcraft when you have technology? Aaliyah Haughton was killed in a plane crash during the shoot of The Queen of the Damned. The movie was completed anyway, by inserting digitized images of Aaliyah into the incomplete scenes. Virtually anything can be done these days and made to look authentic. The time has come for the next great step forward in American politics. We must recognize that all markets will not succeed unless they are supported by adequate governance institutions. What is needed is a clear distinction between rear-guard politicians who wish to preserve or restore an unworkable past, and those who are ready to make the transition to what we call a “Third Wave” information-age society. If nothing else, global competition means we cannot go back to the conformity, uniformity, bureaucracy and brute force economy of the assembly-line era. #RandolphHarris 4 of 19

However, the Third Wave is not just a matter of technology and economics. It involves mortality, culture and ideas as well as institutions and political structure. It implies, in short, a true transformation in human affairs. Just as the industrial revolution destroyed or rendered irrelevant many of the political structures that preceded it, the knowledge revolution—and the Third Wave of change it has launched—will do the same to America and many other countries. Political parties and movements that recognize this historical fact will survive and shape the future for our children. Those that fail to do so will swirl down the storm drain of history. A lower level of state social spending and foreign aid will result not only in a better state of public finance, but also in a much stronger link between people’s incomes and their work effort, skills, and productivity. In this regard, labor motivation will be significantly higher. Western societies need to provide stronger incentives for individuals to take their lives into their own hands. This is how conventional capitalist system work. Making people work under stronger market pressures requires demonstrating higher ability to accommodate them: in other words, to make citizens accept and tolerate those pressures without social turmoil. #RandolphHarris 5 of 19

America must have a higher degree of tolerance for the pains the market economy is causing: income disparities, low pay for a large numbers of workers, cuts of the excessive labor force by companies, unemployment, and underemployment. When signs of social unrest appear, it is suppressed by the regime. There is a lot of talk about America’s increasing income disparities as one of its major social problems and challenges. No doubt, it is a problem. However, let us not forget that expanding income gaps—or shall we say income differentiation?—stem from a low degree of the state’s involvement in the labor market and a small scale of income redistribution through social transfers. In this regard, they stimulate labor effort, providing a very strong incentive for the capable and talented—and this provides a strong impetus for economic growth. There are two patterns of the increase of income gaps. The first one, both socially explosive and economically detrimental, is the rise of absolute incomes of high-income families on the one hand and the fall of those of low-income families on the other. The rich become richer, and the poor poorer. The second pattern is fundamentally different: Absolute incomes of both high-income and low-income households are rising, but the former’s rise faster. Of course, it makes people, especially those belonging to the low-income group, frustrated with increasing income inequality, which is often perceived as social injustice. #RandolphHarris 6 of 19

It may cause social tensions. However, at the same time this pattern provides a very strong stimulus for economic growth: first, because it encourages the work effort, as the prospect of a higher income and better life is there for the households of all income groups; and second, because low-income families are also improving their living standards and becoming increasingly active consumers. Because some people wish to raise their incomes, some turn to prostitution. It is important to emphasize that the paradox of involvement in prostitution occurs because there is a fundamental discontinuity between the effects of engagement in prostitution that the women, in our study, recalled and the stories they told about such engagement. Hence, the women claimed that involvement in prostitution alleviated their poverty, provided them with housing, helped them to live independently and gave them a means to fashion better lives for themselves. Yet, they also claimed that involvement in prostitution created their poverty, generated their housing difficulties, make them more dependent on men and/or families and jeopardized their social and material survival. However, in their recollections, the women indicated that as they could see no alternative to their current lifestyle, they had to live within that contradiction (id est, they had to make sense of their lives within prostitution). It is argued here that prostitution comes to make sense (id est, is rendered plausible and coherent) by, and within, the construction of a specific “prostitute-identity” which is underpinned by a shifting set of meanings for men, money, and violence. #RandolphHarris 7 of 19

There are six contingent elements of the “prostitute-identity.” They have been characterized as contingent because each element was made possible by the social and material context in which the women inhabited. Thee six elements are described in contradictory pairs. Following these descriptions, the shifting set of meanings of “men,” “money” and “violence” that underpin each pair is also outlined. The first contingent element is the “prostitute-as-worker” identification in which all the respondents talked about themselves in relation to a generalized imaginary notion of “johns.” Within this identification, prostitute-women were constructed primarily as rational economic agents pursuing monetary goals and, more specifically, as workers doing a job and getting paid for it. Prostitution was discussed as though it was simple economic contract between prostitutes and their johns. This is evidenced in the euphemistic phrases used (id est, “just making money,” “doing business”) and in the way the women described their involvement in prostitution, more generally. Lost (aged 21) said: “I’m doing a job. I was doing a job. Like any other person who goes out in the morning, goes to work, gets paid for it and goes home. That’s what I do.” Christina (aged 23) agreed: “It’s a job. That’s what you class it as—a job.” #RandolphHarris 8 of 19

Interestingly, the identification of prostitutes—as—workers is also seen in the way that the women described their involvement in prostitution as having nothing to do with sex. The interviewees could make such statements because they denuded their involvement in prostitution of its social setting. Such decontextualization permitted them to reduce their engagement in prostitution to only a set of episodic, economic moments in a series of individual exchanges between men and women. As Janet (aged 37) said: “You don’t have sex with [johns]! F*ck no! That’s not sex, you don’t even think of it as sex. That’s money. It’s a job. We calling it ‘working.’” Others, such as Jasmine (aged 30) and Ingrid (aged 44) put it more succinctly: “It’s not sex, it’s work” and “You don’t think it’s sex with [johns]. You don’t think of that as sex.” The second element in the “prostitute-identity” is a “prostitute-as-commodified-body” identification (as evident in sixteen respondents narratives). In this identification, the women talked about themselves in relation to particular (and anonymous) johns and a notion of “pimp-as-owner” and defined their bodies (especially their privates) as rentable objects. This was a subtly nuanced identification; the women also talked about both controlling and not controlling their rentable private parts. The prostitute-as-commodified-bodies identification occurred primarily in relation to an understanding of johns as anonymous men who were interested only in gratifying their own sexual desires and were willing to pay money to do so. #RandolphHarris 9 of 19

This is in direct contrast to the prostitutes-as-workers identification where the respondents talked about themselves in relation to a generalized, imaginary and decontextualized notions of “johns” as one part of a simple economic exchange. The prostitute-as-commodified-bodies identification was constructed within a specific definition of what was being sold to johns. Instead of selling skill, expertise, time or companionship, these women talked about themselves as being providers of rentable women’s private parts. “It hit me when I was 19 that I was actually a prostitute. I didn’t really think about it before—it was just work. But then it hit me. I was actually selling myself. I was just a hole. I was nothing more than a body men paid to f*ck. I was a prostitute.” (Lois, aged 21) The first nuance was in relation to a notion of owning and controlling the commodity (id est, the rentable women’s private part) which was possible through a symbolic separation of women’s bodies from their (assumed) selves. Other researchers have understood this separation as evidence of the emotional and psychological harm of involvement in prostitution and as specific strategies used by prostitutes to distance themselves from the socially stigmatized label “prostitutes” and this refuse the negative personal characteristics associated with the label. However, I argue that it is through the symbolic separation of their bodies and selves that the women were able to discuss themselves as owning and controlling (id est, being ultimately able to dispose of) their rent-able private parts. #RandolphHarris 10 of 19

Ingrid (age 44) and Patsy (age 42) claimed, respectively: “The way I see it, there’s me and my body’s just there to be sold” and “When I’m here, I’m me. But when I’m out there, I’m not there. I’m not there. I’m something else. I’m just a prostitute—I’m something I can sell.” The second nuance that occurred was in relation to a notion of owning, but not controlling their rentable private parts. This second nuance was made possible by the dissolution of symbolic separation of body and self so that eight of the prostitute-women imagined that their selves had been lost to their continuously rented private part and via that, their johns had control over them. Witness Sammy’s remarks: “In the end, you hate yourself for selling your body. They do what they want to you. Your body’s an object and you’ve got no control over it.” The third nuance is noted in relation to a contextualized understanding of pimping practices. There was an unstated acceptance of one of the more “feudal” pimping practices—id est, the buying and selling prostitutes between different pimps. Such an acceptance opened a space for four respondents in which they discussed themselves, in relation to a notion of pimps as owners. Th fact that they had each been sold or traded at some point during their involvement in prostitution does not demonstrate this identification; nor do their comments that such practices were common place. However, their reactions to and remarks about when they had been sold do. #RandolphHarris 11 of 19

Each of the four women took issues, not with being treated like chattel property, but rather with how much money they had been sold for. The amount obtained represented to these women a symbolic measure of their worth as commodified bodies and rentable private parts. As Barbara (age 24) said: “Can you believe it? Kevin sold me to Steve for just fifty dollars! Fifty dollars! I was worth more than that!” The individual, who trades sex for money, often times consents to a perpetual condition of weakness, under the false conception that it is a necessary state for the manifestation to survive in the capitalistic market. However, when one is weak, that is often the prime time to find God’s strength and let that be sufficient for accomplishing His will—and keep in mind, it is not an exhortation to God’s children deliberately to will to be weak. This would make a person unfit for service in many ways. Instead, one should say, “I can do all things through Christ who strengthen me.” That “willing to be weak” so as to “have a claim on Christ’s strength” is a wrong attitude can readily be seen. Such a “weakness” is not in accord with God’s plan and provision. It actually hinders God’s strengthening; and by this subtle deception of the enemy in the minds of many, God is robbed of much active service for Him. Christianity is the purifying, prophetic power. This theology lets the judgment of the unconditionally transcendent God fall upon every attempt of culture and religion to claim value before him. In its conception the only relation which the World has to God is that the World stands in the divine negation, in the crisis, in the shaking of time by eternity. Religion is the substance of culture and culture is the form of religion. #RandolphHarris 12 of 19

Family functions have often been transferred to other institutions, not because of their failure of the family to do its duty, but because another institution could realize the values involved even more fully. Recreation is an example of this. Occasionally a transfer of function has had the unwanted effect of weakening the family for the performance of some of its remaining tasks. Homes for the aged, for instance, cannot conserve the emotional value of the grandparent-grandchild relations. Such cases raise the question whether retransfer, though desirable, is possible in certain instances. This problem, for example, is reflected in discussions about the use of foster-homes rather than institutional care for the aged. The personnel of certain institutions, which began by being able to offer superior realization of certain family values, have so vigorously sought to enhance their institutions by usurping additional family functions that they have at times endangered other values of the family. Thus higher education may alienate children from parents, just as commercial services can weaken the housewife’s raison detre. This sort of thing has happened more often under the stimulus of commercial than professional considerations, yet certain agencies, which were originally set up to help families in need, have sometimes unduly prolonged the families’ dependence on outside help. Agency programs whilst intending rehabilitation or improvement have nonetheless at times produced unintended negative (and positive) side effects. #RandolphHarris 13 of 19

The ambiguous consequences of professionalization. –The growth of specialized agencies for remedying deficiencies in family functioning is a potent condition for the evolution of professional technique and the scientific analysis and codification of the factors at work in family life situations. The same process operates here as can be witnessed throughout all other institutions of industrial, urban society: the more refined the division of labor, the more likely the generalization of subtle differences and associations, with consequent innovation in practice and understanding. Here lies no doubt the major positive benefit to be derived from the transfer of functions from families to family agencies. On the other hand, as already suggested, such transfers may come to seem not only inevitable under certain historical conditions, but irreversible, due to the fact that the layman can never hope to appropriate the knowledge and skill of the professional. Probably the majority of family-serving processionals hold this point of view, either unreflectively or deliberately. Only a minority relish the notion of prolonging or enlarging the dependence of their clients; the majority take the rueful view that the transfer of functions to professionals, despite its liabilities, is a net gain for family welfare, and thus justified. Moreover, it is easy to point out that not all transfers of function have been to responsible agencies devoted to family welfare; it transfers there must be, it is better that they should be professional rather than commercial hands. #RandolphHarris 14 of 19

The process of professionalization need not halt, however, with the emergence of the certified family-serving professions. It can move on to encompass the commercial and the irresponsible, raising their standards of ethics and performance. More important still, it can work backward to professionalize the layman, in terms of one’s knowledge and self-conscious standards of application. Every agency and profession can readily adopt the objective of building the confidence and competence of its clients as family members. Some family agencies already disavow a vested interest in client dependency; a few are actively seeking to professionalize their clients in the sense just outlined. These we call the planning agencies. Historically, the development of family agencies can be schematized, with the usual gains and losses of simplification, into three stages: charity, therapy, and planning. At each stage there have been corresponding private and public forms, the one supported by voluntary contributions or dues, the other by taxation. Thus at the stage of charity there is private assistance to the afflicted by specialized persons and groups other than kin or neighbours, and public assistance in the form of country farms and state institutions. #RandolphHarris 15 of 19

In the second stage there are the various voluntary benevolent and charitable associations dispensing assistance in organized and professional but still rather uneven manner; and on the public side, the conduct of regular, wide-scale services like home relief. Emphasis at this stage tends to be upon professionalization and rehabilitation through treatment of individuals. In the third stage, the emphasis shifts still further from the alleviation of distress and emergencies arising in families unequipped to cope with them, to the concerted achievement of more positive goals for organized publics, or for the community as a whole. Not boards of philanthropists but the affected people themselves form voluntary associations of various kinds, where their members participate directly in the planning and execution of programs. Such voluntary associations may be self-help agencies like insurance societies and co-operatives, or the public affected by the operation of some government executive agency, like the Farm Bureau in relation to the Department of Agriculture. Taking a round average, most family agencies in the United States of America may be said to have evolved to a point somewhere between the second and third stages. Some of the newest, however, are only commencing at the first stage; some, like the public-school systems in a number of states, have reached very advanced forms of planning, and furnish standards for judging others. #RandolphHarris 16 of 19

At this third stage, it becomes less and less possible to distinguish family agencies from the other institutions of the community, because they are all embraced in a conscious, collective responsibility for the welfare of families and family members in the community. Yet charity and therapy may continue to be required indefinitely, though in changing proportions. Just as the inadequacies of charity has led to therapy, so the inadequacies of therapy are leading to planning. These inadequacies are relative to the increasing scope of the problems, and to the increasing scope of the opportunities for improvement as the evolution of the community continues. Where once, for example, cases of mental breakdown were simply confined in a country asylum (often run in conjunction with the poorhouse), there have since then developed a number of family agencies offering psychiatric care aimed at rehabilitation; but the volume of mental breakdown, despite psychiatric progress, still runs far ahead of the volume of cures. This has forced attention on the need for the prevention and early detection of mental breakdown. Many thinkers have also become aware of the need for broad positive programs of social change which would create a more definitely beneficial psychological environment for the entire population. Some commentators on the problems of mental health have become fixated, to borrow one of their own concepts, at the stage of psychiatric cure, and seem to desire nothing better than the multiplication of therapists, clinics, and mental hospitals. #RandolphHarris 17 of 19

It would appear invidious to quote an example of this view, because its advocates are many. While it is perhaps most common among those who are explicitly concerned with psychotherapy, it dogs all other family agencies. It is closely allied with the functionalist view which aims to regain or restore some putatively healthy status quo ante. The extreme case may be those decentralists who would restore everyone to the family farm of the nineteenth century. The torrent of changes affecting the family as a consequence of science and industrialization during the past century is like the flood unleashed by the sorcerer’s apprentice. The effects of the transfer of the production of goods from the home to the factory, which converted children from assets to financial liabilities, have far from run their course. The resulting decline of fertility has meant that there are more people with no children to support them in age or infirmity, and older people find it more difficult to support themselves since there are no longer family enterprises to which they can make a contribution. At the same time, from the point of view of the community as a while, lengthened life expectancy and lower fertility have meant a declining number of working people is maintaining an increasing number of nonworking older people. Because the smaller family is less and less able to care for its aged, pension systems, both public and private, have been spreading quite spectacularly, and these in turn have the effect of further diminishing the function and responsibility of the family in caring for aged parents. #RandolphHarris 18 of 19

Each sequence of change had inevitably forced another, and no resting place appears in sight. It is not to be wondered at that some people, including a number of serious thinkers, are beginning to experience the same mounting anxiety that gripped the desperate little apprentice, and like him are praying for the sorcerer to give them respite. Through they may get the sorcerers, they will get no respite. Those who are fearful of the unanticipated consequences of purposive social action may succeed in handing over their responsibility to someone who promises order and stability, but they are not likely thereby to escape other consequences which may be both less easy to anticipate and more fearful to contemplate. The promise which the situation holds out to them is wiser anticipation and greater competence in making their hopes prevail. If a father left the family farm to work in a factory or office, it was probably to achieve a higher standard of living for his family. If old people live longer, it is because everyone want it that way. If child labour outside the home is forbidden, it is because of long campaigns of moral reform against it. If children are fewer per family, this is manifestly the choice of parents, abetted somewhat by landlords and proponents of the sales tax. These historic developments were responses to previous problematic situations, but they were never the only possible responses. And if things do not always turn out as expected, there is no reason to suppose people will be less competent to handle any new problem than they were to handle the prior situation which instigated it. Nor does the future offer fewer alternatives among which creatively to form a pattern of choice; indeed, it does just the opposite. #RandolphHarris 19 of 19

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