Aside from murder, the crimes of rape and sexual assault occur with less regularity than any other for of violent crime. In 2021, there were approximately 144,240 reported cases of rape in the United States of America. There are more than 106,010 reported cases of sexual assault. Only about half the victims of rape or attempted rape surveyed stated that the crime had been reported to the police. Two-thirds of all rapes and rape attempts occurred at night, with the largest proportion occurring between 6 p.m. and midnight. Most victims of rape or attempted rape where white and young; the ages with the highest victimization rates for rape and attempted rape were 16 to 24. More than half of all victims had never been married and most were members of low-income families. The most frightening form of rape, an assault by a total stranger, was the most common. More than 75 percent of all rapes involved one victim and one offender, and most offenders were unarmed. Most victims offered some form of resistance. The most common responses to the situation were trying to get help; resisting physically; to threatening, arguing, or reasoning with the offender; or resisting without force. The total cost of the medical expenses reported was almost $72 million. The FBI estimated that a new rape occurred every 5.8 minutes. Over a ten-year period, there were 1.5 million victims of rape. There were more than 120 million crimes committed in the United States of America in 2017 (including 24 million violent crimes), amounting to a financial impact of $2.6 trillion. #RandolphHarris 1 of 21  

Given the high levels of trauma and betrayal that often accompany rape, it should come to no surprise that a considerable number of rapes go unreported to police. With only 139,815 rapes (excluding sexual assaults) being reported to law enforcement agencies in 2019, it is safe to say that this form of crime goes without official detection more often than any other type of violent offense. We know from victim reports that a little over one third (39 percent) of the persons who were raped and/or sexually assaulted in 2021 chose to inform the police about the incident. Roughly 40 percent stated that they sustained physical injuries in the attack. A study of violence-related injuries treated at hospital emergency rooms found that 63,800 rape or sexual assault received medical care that year. Nationwide, 81 percent of women and 43 percent of men reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment and/or assault in their lifetime. The highest rates of rape and sexual assault victimization are experienced in the western and southern regions of the United States of America. Slightly lower rape/sexual assault rates have traditionally existed in the Midwest and Northeast. Uniform Crime Reports data indicate that the offending rate (per 100,000 residents) for the crime of forcible rape was highest in Alaska (68.6), Delaware (67.1), New Mexico (55.1), Nevada (52.1), and Michigan (50.4). That same year, residents from Montana (17.8), Maine (18.1), West Virginia (18.7), Wisconsin (19.9), and New Jersey (20.0) exhibited the lowest offending rates. #RandolphHarris 2 of 21

Rape and sexual assault rates are clearly related to population density. There is a composite rape/sexual assault rate of 1.9 in urban environments. This figure is more than twice the victimization rates experienced in suburban and rural areas (0.9 and 0.5, respectively). Among the sixty-six cities with a population exceeding 250,000 residents, the highest rates of forcible rape (known offenses per 100,000 residents) were observed in Minneapolis (126.7), Memphis (112.8), Cleveland (101.6), Columbus (94.7), and Nashville (88). Conversely data rank New York City (22.9), Louisville (24.1), Virginia Beach (24.4), and San Francisco (25.5) as the most rape-free cities. America appears to be the violent sex crime capitol of the World. The U.S. rape rate of 36 (per 100,000 inhabitants) was more than double tht of its nearest rivals: Israel (14.3), England and Wales (14.7), and France (13.4). Moreover, U.S.A. rape rates were exponentially higher than those observed in Germany (9.6), Spain (3.2), and Japan (1.5). This raises the obvious question of why rape rates are so much higher in this country. There are four relevant theoretical perspectives of rape that is believed to provide some much needed insight in this area. First of all, gender inequality theory, a favorite of many feminists. Scholars who take this position believe that rape and the fear of rape enable men to assert their power over women and maintain the existing system of gender stratification.” #RandolphHarris 3 of 21

These rape motivations need not be an overt and malicious feature of societal gender norms. Instead, subtle forms of gender oppression, such as the objectification of women are inferior to men and are misinterpreted by some violent individuals to indicate that sexualized violence is one way of protecting their manhood. The gender equality theory of rape predicts that rape rates will be highest in patriarchal societies where women are considered to be the sexual servants of men. The advertising imagery and gender biases that limit women’s status attainment in contemporary America are held as evidence that the tenets of this theory are readily applicable to U.S.A. culture. Other feminist scholars prefer to gravitate toward the pornography theory. These scholars content that pornographic imagery depicting the domination and degradation of women sends the wrong cultural message—the images convey an implicit message that all women want sex and lead men to expect it from women. Repeated exposure to this imagery serves to reinforce and condone violet sexual behavior in men. Although the evidence of the pornography theory is inconclusive, rape rates are highest in those states that experienced the most sizeable circulation rate for adult monthly periodicals such as Playboy, Hustler, and Penthouse. Many mainstream sociologist endorse the social disorganization theory of rape. These scholars theorize that crime rates will increase as social disorganization increases and the institutional infrastructure of society breaks down. #RandolphHarris 4 of 21

Factors such as widespread poverty, the collapse of the traditional nuclear family unit, racial tension, and decreased religiosity are thought to breed a sense of alienation and desperation among the effected parties. This, in turn, produces a frustration rection. Criminal behavior in general, and rape in particular, are thus said to represent prime examples of the reaction formation concept. Clearly there is no shortage of these types of structural instabilities in contemporary American society. Rape rates are highest in those states that experience elevated levels of social disorganization as one such measure of support for the theory. The legitimation of violence theory offers a more social, psychologically oriented take on rape causation. Scholars who endorse this perspective view rape as a little more than a specialized form of violent behavior. Forms of sexual violence are said to represent a “spillover effect” in cultures that glorify or condone the use of physical problem solving. The legitimation of violence seems to work hand in hand with gender inequality to produce higher rates of sexual violence. Namely, states with a volatile mix of high gender inequality and an established culture of violence consistently experience the highest rape rates. #RandolphHarris 5 of 21

In general, violent sex crimes take shape as unskilled, technically simple acts. Victimization data indicate that nearly 70 percent of all rapes and sexual assaults are committed by someone who is known to the offender (acquaintance, intimate partner, family member). These forms of violent betrayals are referred to under the heading of acquaintance or date rape. It was found the coercion, intimidation, and brute strength—more so than weaponry or props (rope, handcuffs, tape, et cetera)—serve as the tools of the trade for the average date rapist. The term stranger rape is used to describe those acts where the offender and victim have no previous relationship. The cold and calculating nature of this rape dynamic oftentimes translates into a heightened reliance on weapons and props on the part of the offender. Victims report that weapons were present in 7.6 percent of all rapes and sexual assaults. This peril concerns every professing Christian. The prophecy of the Holy Spirit declares that (1) “some” shall fall away from the faith. (2) The reason for the fall will be a “giving heed to seducing spirits.” The nature of this working is not the promotion of obvious evil, but deception, which is a covert working. The essence of deception is that the operation is looked upon as sincere and pure. (3) The nature of the deception will be in doctrines of demons id est, the deception will be in a doctrinal sphere. (4) The way of deception will be that the “doctrines” are delivered with “hypocrisy,” id est, spoken as if true. #RandolphHarris 6 of 21

(5) Two instances of the effect of these evil spirit doctrines are given: (a) the forbidding of marriage, and (b) abstaining from meat. However, both of these common activities—marrying and the eating of meat—are, said Paul, divinely ordained—“created by God.” Therefore their prohibition is a mark of opposition to God, even in His work as Creator. Silence and reserve and isolation are often indirectly related to the way in which some communicate when they are engaged in a kind of self-consciousness and awareness that one has not known before. It is a process of inner searching that grows out of questions and issues that are confronting one at the moment. It may seem that one is interested only in finding one’s own private way, that one is looking for a life of freedom and independence but this may not be the basis of one’s loneliness. What one is searching for is a life fully rooted in truth and in authenticity, yet one is living with contradictions and dishonesty that leave one feeling helpless and alone. Sometimes people feel confused, misinformed, unreal. They may feel totally alone and keenly conscious of one’s isolation, not belonging on this Earth of normal people. For the first time, some are becoming aware of how ridiculous their values are, aware of the solitary nature of their actions. There sometimes is no other way but to become numb to the lie that was there before one, in the presence of people who do not have the guts to speak openly, whose fear of consequences is more powerful than their commitment to the truth. #RandolphHarris 7 of 21

This may cause some to suddenly walk out of their friends, after only reuniting with them for a short time. One may consider every relationship in terms of moral principles. What may begin to surface can be opposing wishes and wills glossed over and actions that challenge their dedication to honesty. If an individual feels lonely, must one pretend social interests? If one feels placid or unalive, must one feign excitement? Many everyday activities came into view. And one could develop  self-consciousness, checking to determine if what one is saying and doing are consistent with what one is feeling and who one is. Everyone knows this is a painful process, not only in one’s own suffering but in the grief it brings to others. Some may trust this solitary struggle and believe that ultimately a more fully honest life with others will emerge. Is the individual searching for something that does not exist? Will one finally admit that an absolutely moral life is impossible? No one can be certain. Furthermore  many on this path do not even know where one is going—only that one must retain with this struggle and let it take one where it will. These individuals are aware that something extreme is happening to one and that one is suffering because their withdrawal strikes at the heart of their relationships and their friends are unable to reach them. #RandolphHarris 8 of 21

Many deeply regret the pain their loneliness brings their loved ones and they bear something of that suffering within themselves. These individuals feel a tenderness and love for their relationships but in this search for a truthful way to live in all one’s moments must, it must take its own course before the individual will again feel the joy of life and beauty of being with others. When it comes to this search for meaning, it is necessary to repeat that first of all you must understand how wrong negative emotions are, how useless they are, and then you must understand that they cannot exist without identification. It will take you a long time to realize this, but when you have done so, you must try to divide your negative emotions into three categories. First, the more or less ordinary everyday negative emotions which happen often, and are always connected with identification. Certainly, you must observe them and you must already have a certain control over the expression of them. Then you must start dealing with them by trying not to identify, by avoiding identification as often as you can, not only in relation to these emotions but in relation to everything. If you create in yourself the capacity of not identifying, that will affect these emotions and you will notice how they begin to disappear. The second category do not appear every day. They are the more difficult, more complicated emotions depending on some mental process—suspicion, hurt feelings and many things like that. They are more difficult to conquer. #RandolphHarris 9 of 21

You candela with them by creating a right mental attitude, by thinking—not at the time when you are in the negative emotion, but in between, when you are quiet. Try to find the right attitude, the right point of view, and make it permanent. If you create right thinking, that will take all power from these negative emotions. Then there is a third category, much more intense, much more difficult, and very rare. Against them you can do nothing. These two methods—struggle with identification and creating right attitudes—do not help. When such emotions come you can do only one thing: you must try to remember yourself; to remember yourself with the help of the emotion. That will change them after some time. However, for this you have to be prepared; it is quite a special thing. It is a fact that the individual’s relationship to gatherings and social occasion sometimes tell us something about one’s relationships to broader units of social life. Thus, in Utah, the few men who did not bother to shave regularly were also the ones who refused to keep a tidy front yard, even in cases where their holdings were where visitors to the community would see the untidiness. The same individuals also declined to support the local socials in any regular way, and one of them sometimes worked on Sundays, thus showing civic as well as situational insensitivity. Similarly, in a study of urban lower-class ceremonial life, it is reported that members of the community defined “respectability” in terms of not borrowing money, not applying for unemployment assistance, and not making free with the neighbor’s front door, and that this civic decorum was reflected in situational proprieties also. #RandolphHarris 10 of 21

One of the outstanding characteristics of the respectable people is that they are “particular,” which implies that they try hard to maintain their standards in spite of all adversities and difficulties. While unemployment or other adversity enforces a limitation of expenditure, this does not, among the respectable, result in the complete abandonment of standards, for as they say, “it’s  not how much you get, but what you do with it that matter.” The notion of “being particular” applies especially to children and to cleanliness. In hard times before the pandemic, the children might have had to forego school clothes shopping, but at least, the women insisted, it was clean. “Every child is rough and ready some part of the day, but you can be particular.” In another context, one informant who was commenting on the poor condition of her house, pointed out that she had at least tried to “cover up,” by putting newspaper over the fireplace and a curtain over the gap where the cupboard door should have been. “But the rough ones,” she said, “don’t even care about covering things up. You can’t help having a poor or a broken-down house, but you can help keeping it looking nice.” And certainly this tie-in between situational and other deviations is found among mental “prepatients”; an individual who ruminates all day on the sofa often turns out to be one who also offends by, for example, not keeping appointments or not bothering to put air in his car tires. #RandolphHarris 11 of 21

Further, as has already been discussed, an institutional role having its primary locus in one place may require the performer to carry marks of one’s membership wherever one goes, thereby setting one apart from the public at large, though often through no fault of one’s own. A more serious question was debated; though, according to the newspaper accounts, obliquely, when a high-level conference in Utah discussed at considerable length, whether clergymen of Church should wear laymen’s clothing publicly at any time except when playing lawn-tennis or other approved games. Here is an example of the belief, held tacitly by many people, and recently state in the case of an officer, that holds offices ought to be regarded as never off duty: that a publicly assigned role overshadows all others. There are echoes of this in the assumption in some schools, implied rather than states, that a schoolboy outside the school premises, not wearing his school cap, is—or is about to be—up to no good. In the Army, “other ranks,” but not officers, have “walking-out” dress; the implication that a pretty nurse-maid awaits the soldier is delightfully Victorian and West-end. The “civvies” of some National Service “other ranks” are carefully censored by the authorities, who justify it with understandable rationalizations about “Teddy-boys.” Where the individual employs such insignia not because of institutional regulation but because of personal election, the link between civic and situational alienation would seem to be especially evident. #RandolphHarris 12 of 21

The insignia then become a kind of proclamation of distance from the ordinary course of social life, and of some sort of skewing of relationship to the public at large. Note, for instance, the self-imposed uniform worn by members of erupting social movements, such as the early European fascist groups. Something similar is seen among sailors who express their life-experience solidarity and their alienation from land society by placing a tattoo between themselves and the appearance-proprieties of the host culture. Something of the same effect is obtained by college students and beatniks (and their fellow-travelers) who express distance from the employed adult population by a full beard, or a two-day growth, and by bedraggled clothes. And although the dress pattern of young, male urban drug users may not be collegiate, this attire, too, seems to be linked to the maintenance of expressed distance. The tabooed creature releases that usually provide evidence of insufficient situational presence seem to provide a favorite idiom for expressing some kind of disregard for broad elements of conventional society, pointing to the voluntary elaborations that can be made of acts that are supposedly involuntary. College students, for example, sometimes compete with each other in belching prowess, conveying something about their relation to the adult World in doing so. Preadolescent boys have a special game built around flatulence, which manages both to penalize the offender and to bypass civilian standards at the same time. #RandolphHarris 13 of 21

When it comes to voting, our emphasis has been on pairwise elections. In such cases there is little strategy other than whether or not to vote. If you vote, you should always vote for the candidate whom you most prefer. Because your vote matters most when it breaks a tie, you want your vote to reflect your preferences honestly. For elections with more than two alternative, the decision is both whether or not to vote and what to vote for. It is no loner true that one should always vote for one’s favorite candidate. In the 1984 Democratic party primary, supporters of Jesse Jackson had the problem of trying to send a signal with their vote. They could predict that Mr. Jackson was unlikely to win. The polls told them that Gary Hart and Walter Mondale were the clear front-runners. There was a great incentive to vote for those at the head of the pack in order not to waste one’s vote. This became an even bigger problem when there were seven candidates competing for the 1988 Democratic party presidential nomination. Supporters did not want to waste their vote or campaign contributions on a nonviable candidate. Thus polls and media characterizations that pronounced front-runners had the real potential to become self-fulfilling prophecies. There is another reason why votes may not reflect preferences. One way to help keep your vote from getting lost in the crowd is to make it stand out: take an extreme position away from the crowd. Someone who thinks that the country is too liberal could vote for a moderately conservative candidate. #RandolphHarris 14 of 21

Or one could go all the way to the extreme right and support Donald Trump. To the extent that candidates compromise by taking central positions, it may be in some voters’ interests by taking central positions, it may be in some voters’ interests to appear more extreme than they are. This tactic is effective only up to a point. If you go overboard, you are thought of as a crackpot, and the result is that your opinion is ignored. The trick is to take the most extreme stand consistent with appearing rational. To make this a little more precise, imagine that we can align all the candidates on a 0 to 100 scale of liberal to conservative. The Young Spartacus League is way on the left, around), while Donald Trump takes the most conservative stance, somewhere near 100. Voters express their preference by picking some point along the spectrum. Suppose the winner of the election is the candidate whose position is the average of all voters’ positions. The way you might think of this happenings is that through negotiations and compromises, the leading candidate’s position is chosen to reflect the average position of the electorate. The parallel in bargaining is to settle disputes by offering to “split the different.” Consider yourself a middle-of-the-roader: if it were in your hands, you would prefer a candidate who stands at the position 50 on our scale. However, it may turn out that the country is a bit more conservative than that. Without you, the average is 60. For concreteness, you are one of a hundred voters polled to determine the average position. #RandolphHarris 15 of 21

If you state your actual preference, the candidate will move to [99 x 60 + 50]/100 = 59.9. If, instead, you exaggerate and claim to want 0, then final outcome will be at 59.4. By exaggerating your claim, you are six times as effective as effective in influencing the candidate’s position. Here, extremism in the defense of liberalism is no vice. Of course, you will not be the only one doing this. All those more liberal than 60 will be claiming to be at 0, while those more conservative will be arguing for 100. In the end, everyone will appear to be polarized, although the candidate will still take some central position. The extent of the compromise will depend on the relative numbers pushing in each direction. The problem with this averaging approach is that it tries to take into account both intensity and direction of preferences. People have an incentive to tell the truth about direction but exaggerate when it comes to intensity. The same problem arises with “split the difference”: if that is the rile for settling disputes, everyone will begin with an extreme position. One solution to this problem dates back to the twenties and Columbia University economist Harold Hotelling. Instead of taking the mean or average position, the candidate chooses the median position, the platform where there are exactly as many voters who want the candidate to move left as to move right. Unlike the mean, the median position does not depend on the intensity of the voters’ preference, only their preferred direction. To find the median point, a candidate could start at 0 and keep moving to the right as long as a majority supports this change. At the median, the support for any further rightward move is exactly balanced by the equal number of voters who prefer a shift left. #RandolphHarris 16 of 21

When a candidate adopts the media position, no voter has an incentive to distort her preferences. Why? There are only three cases to consider: (i) a voter to the left of the median, (ii) a voter exactly at the median, and (iii) a voter to the right of the median. In the first case, exaggerating preferences leftward does not alter the median, and therefore the position adopted, at all. The only way that this voter can change the outcome is to support a move rightward. However, this is exactly counter to one’s interest. In the second case, the voter’s ideal position is being adopted anyway, and there is nothing to gain by a distortion of preferences. The third case parallels the first. Moving more to the right has no effect on the median, whole voting for a move left is counter to the voter’s interests. The way the argument was phrased suggested that the voter knows the median point for the voting population, and whether one is to the right or the left of it. Yet the incentive to tell the truth had nothing to do with which of those outcomes occurred. You can think about all three of the above cases as possibilities and then realize that whichever outcome materializes, the voter will want to reveal one’s position honestly. The advantage of the rule that adopts the median position is that no voter has an incentive to distort one’s preferences; truthful voting is the dominant strategy for everyone. The only problem with adopting the median voter’s position is its limited applicability. This option is available only when everything can be reduced to a one-dimensional choice, as in liberal versus conservative. However, not all issues are so easily classified. One’s voters’ preferences are more than one-dimensional, there will not be a median. At that point, the possibility of manipulating the system becomes real. #RandolphHarris 17 of 21

The main producers of imagery until recently were the major broadcast networks. Today, in the United States of America, where de-massification is most advanced, their power is plummeting. Where ABC, NBC, and CBS once stood virtually alone, there are now seventy-two national services of various kinds, with more coming online and streaming services, which offer cool programs not shown on TV and with more leeway in their scripts and content. A new crop of networks serving “niche” markets and digital stream are big news. And on cable there is comedy network, consumer business news network, and a science-fiction network. In addition, Channel One pipes programs into school classrooms, and National College Television uses satellite to target special programs to university students. Cable of some type is available in nearly 90 percent of American homes. The average cable user has more than fifty channels to choose from and that will soon be up to seventy five. In a small town like Rochester, Minnesota, viewers can choose from more then sixty different channels offering a wide range of material, from the Black Entertainment Network and programs in Spanish, to specialized medical training programs aimed at the larger medical community around the famed Mayo Clinic. Cable was the first to begin fractionalzing the mass audience. Videocassette and direct broadcast satellite (delivering signals not only to cable stations but into the home itself) fractionalize the fractions. Thus videocassette offers viewers a choice of thousands of movies and programs. And recently four major companies banded together to deliver 108 channels of standard and high-definition TV to American viewers by shooting signals from the World’s most powerful commercial satellite to “napkin-size” receiver dishes in the home.” #RandolphHarris 18 of 21

Furthermore, the number of stations operating independently of the three big networks has quadrupled since the late 1970s. Many have formed themselves into syndicates or temporary groupings that compete with the majors for top-rated programming. The impact of all these de-massifying forces on the once-mighty networks has been a little short of catastrophic. The key words in all this are choice and alternative. It is what people did not have back in 1980. It is what they do have today. However, these are precisely what the main stream networks were designed to prevent. For CBS, ABC, and NBC were Second Wave smokestack companies, accustomed to dealing with masses, not heterogenous micro-markets, and are having as much difficulty adapting to the post-smokestack Third Wave economy as are interest rates and wages. A measure of the networks’ concern was the decision of NBC to join in the direct broadcasting satellite venture. Wonder what will happen to the Big Three? Well, once upon a time there were three big radio networks too. Today hardly anyone even remembered they existed. Adjusting to nanotechnology is also something we are going to have to deal with, so the World is rapidly changing. People within existing organizations can nudge them toward evaluating nanotechnology and molecular manufacturing. A good start is to introduce others in the organization to the concepts, and talk through some of their implications. Follow-up activities will depend on the group, its resources, and its purposes. #RandolphHarris 19 of 21

For the time being, drafting of new regulations, lobbying of Congress, and the like all seem premature. Getting nanotechnology into the planning process, though, seems overdue. We invite existing organizations with concerns regarding medicine, the economy, the environment, and other issues of public policy to put nanotechnology on their agendas, and to join in debating and ultimately implementing sensible policies. Some groups are doing relevant research work. Many could bias their choice of projects to favor goals in the direction of molecular systems engineering. For nanotechnology to be taken really seriously, some research group will have to build a reasonably capable molecular manipulator or a primitive assembler. This will require an interdisciplinary team, years of work, and a total cost unlikely to exceed one tenth that of a single U.S.A. Space Shuttle. Other researchers can help by providing further theoretical studies of what advanced molecular manufacturing and nanotechnology will make possible. These studies can help groups know what to anticipate in their planning. Some scientists and engineers will want to steer their careers into the field of nanotechnology. More students will want to study a combination of physics, chemistry, and engineering that will prepare them to contribute. We encourage people of common sense and goodwill to become involved in developing nanotechnology. For those who have—or can gain—the necessary technical backgrounds, becoming involved with its development is an excellent way to influence how it is used. For better or for worse, technical experts in a field have a disproportionate influence over related policies. #RandolphHarris 20 of 21

During these years, there will be a growing need for grass-roots organizations aimed at public education and building a base for political action. Having  a few thousand people ready to write five letters to Congress in some crucial year could make the difference between a World that works and a World destroyed by the long-term effects of a shortsighted bill. What happens will depend on what people do, and what people do will depend on what they believe. The World is overwhelmingly shaped by the state of opinion: people’s opinion about what will and will not happen, what will and will not work, what will and will not prove profitable or beneficial for themselves, for their families, for their businesses, for their communities, for the World. This state of opinion—as expressed in what people say to each other, and whether their actions conform to their words—shapes decisions day to day. During these years, it will matter greatly what people are saying to one another about the future, and how to make it work. With help from new technologies, we can renew the World—not make it perfect, not eliminate conflict, not achieve every imaginable dream, yet clear away many afflictions, both ancient and modern. With good preparation, we can perhaps even avoid creating too many new afflictions to take their place. Who is responsible for trying to bring this about? Those who want to fight poverty, to earn their share of the benefits to come, to join in a great adventure, to meet people who care about the future, to save species, to heal the Earth, to heal the sick, to be at the cutting edge, to build international cooperation, to learn about technology, to fight dangers, to change the World—not necessarily all together, or all at once. To help deal with the main problem today, lack of knowledge, you can encourage friends to read up on the subject. #RandolphHarris 21 of 21

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In many ways similar to ecstatic destructiveness is the chronic dedication of a person’s whole life to hate and destructiveness. Not a momentary state as in ecstasis, it has nevertheless the function of taking hold of the whole person, of unifying him in the worship of one goal: to destroy. This state is a permanent idolatry of the god of destruction; his devotee has, as it were, given over his life to him. As rationalizations give way to perceptions of victimization, of woman’s feelings about herself, her spouse, and her situation change. These feelings are imbedded in a cultural, political, and interactional structure. Initially, abuse is contrary to a woman’s cultural expectations of behavior between intimates, and therefore engenders feelings of betrayal, however, is balanced by the husband’s efforts to explain his behavior, and by the woman’s reluctance to abandon faith. Additionally, the political dominance of men within and outside the family mediate women’s ability to question the validity of their husband’s actions. At the interpersonal level, psychological abuse accompanying violence often invokes feelings of guilt and shame in the battered victim. Men define violence as a response to their wive’s inadequacies or provocations, which leads battered women to feel that they have failed. Such character assaults are devastating, and create long-lasting feelings of inferiority. The emotional career of battered women consists of movement from guilt, shame, and depression to fear and despair, to anger, exhilaration, and confusion. #RandolphHarris 1 of 20

Women who escape violent relationships must deal with strong, sometimes conflicting, feelings in attempting to build new lives for themselves free of violence. The kind of response women receive when they seek help largely determines the effects these feelings have on subsequent decisions. The process of victimization is not synonymous with experiencing violent attacks from a spouse. Rationalizing the violence inhibits a sense of outrage and efforts to escape abuse. Only after rationalizations are rejected, through the impact of one or more catalysts, does the victimization process begin. When previously rationalized violence is reinterpreted as dangerous, unjustified assault, battered women actively seek alternatives. The success of their efforts to seek help depends on available resources, external supports, reactions of husbands and children, and their own adaptation to the situation. Victimization includes not only cognitive interpretations, but feelings and physiological responses. Creating a satisfying, peaceful environment after being battered involves emotional confusion and ambiguity, as well as enormous practical and economic obstacles. It may take years of struggle and aborted attempts before a battered woman is able to establish a safe and stable lifestyle; for some, this goal is never achieved. The victimization process which we have described refers to the interpretations of a specific violent events within a particular relationship. It is important t emphasize that this victimization is limited to those violent events and does not encompass a more global perspective on the woman’s life. #RadolphHarris 2 of 20

Individuals working with battered women have pointed out the importance of helping battered women to distinguish between being a victim of an assault and assuming the identity of the victim. The first involves rejecting the responsibility for being beaten; the second involves giving up the responsibility for one’s life. The role of victim is contradictory to the assertive and creative action necessary to establish a life free of violence To accomplish the latter goal, women must quickly overcome the feelings of helplessness and self-pity that accompany victimization. They must confidently assume responsibility for making decisions and working towards the goals they set, and reject identification with the role of victim. It is well established that sexual assault has a significant effect on the daily thoughts and behaviours of American women. Let us begin with a sampling of the statistical evidence. Eight one percent of women reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment and/or assault in their lifetime. In 2020, 298,626 women were sexually assaulted or raped. It is estimated that some sort of sexually assaultive action is present in every ten violent crimes involving a female victim. As disconcerting as these numbers are, they do not tell the whole story. Women clearly live in fear of being raped and this preoccupation has a profound effect on their overall sense of personal security. Anxiety about being raped serves as the most direct and formidable predictor of a women’s overall fear of criminal victimization. #RandolphHarris 3 of 20

The first- and secondhand accounts of real-life sexual assaults go a long way to shape this perceived vulnerability. These are the stories of women who suffer long-lasting physical and psychological traumas, and they produce a broad-reaching impact. For this reason, the personal and societal impact of rape may exceed even that of murder. We as a society have slowly come to respect this orientation and have thus assigned a special status to violence sex crimes. The criminal law has evolved from a limited treatment of sexual misconduct to a much more broad legal orientation. Early common law included only rape (forced heterosexual penetrations) and sodomy (consensual homosexual conduct) under the heading of sex crimes. This conservative treatment prevailed well into the 1960s. For example, the Model Penal Code (American Law Institute, 1962) restricted the definition of rape to those acts of violent sexual penetration between male offender and female victim who were not presently married. Contemporary criminal codes take on a more gender and relationship neutral tone and this include an expansive list of offense, ranging from forced sexual intercourse to forms of sexual touching that are devoid of violence. The present discussion turns to a contemporary source for an up-to-date legal definition of violent sex crimes. Most jurisdictions delineate three generic offenses categories: rape, statutory rape, and sexual assault. An individual is guilty of rape if he or she specifically intends to achieve nonconsensual sexual penetration against another by force of the threatened use of force. This definition subsumes all form of sexual penetration regardless of its duration or degree. #RandolphHarris 4 of 20

Statutory rape encompasses all forms of sexual penetration committed against an individual under the specific age of consent (id est minors). The specific age of consent varies across jurisdiction, but the vast majority of states invoke a standard between 16 and 18 years of age. This age-graded offense is considered a strict liability offense and thus does not require that the mens reus (guilt mind) element of “intentional force” be present. Sexual assault is a broader offense category that covers all forms of forceful or coercive unwanted sexual contact. Indeed, if the Earth had been created as a paradise where man would not be bound by the stubbornness of material reality, his reasons might have been a sufficient condition to create the proper environment for his unimpeded growth, with enough for all to ear, and, simultaneously, the possibility of freedom. However, to speak in terms of the biblical myth, mans was expelled from Paradise and cannot return. He was saddled with the curse of the conflict between himself and nature. The World was not made for man; he is thrown into it, and only by his own activity and reason can he create a World which is conductive to his full development, which is his human home. His rulers themselves were executors of historical necessity, even though they were often evil men who followed their whims and failed to execute their historical task. Irrationality and personal evil became decisive factors only in those periods when the external conditions were such that they would have permitted human progress and when this progress was impeded by the character deformation of the rulers—and the ruled. Nevertheless, there have always been visionaries who clearly recognized the goals for man’s social and individual evolution. #RandolphHarris 5 of 20

The Lord  Jesus spoke in general terms about the dangers which would encompass His people at the time of end, and Paul wrote to the Thessalonians more fully about the apostasy and the wicked deceptions of the lawless one in the last days, but the passage in Timothy is the only one which explicitly shows the special cause of the peril of the Church in it closing days on Earth, and how the wicked spirit of Satan would break in upon her members and by deception beguile some away from their purity of faith in Christ. The Holy Spirit, in this brief message given to Paul, describes the character and work of the evil spirits so that we might recognize (1) their existence, and (2) their efforts directed towards believer to deceive them and draw them away from the path of simple faith in Christ—all that is included in “the faith which was once for all delivered unto the saints” (Jude 3). That the character of the spirits is described in 1 Timothy 1-3 and not the men they sometimes use in the work of deception, may be understood from the Greek original. (Pember says that verse 2 refers to the character of the deceiving spirits and should be read thus: “…direct teaching of unclean spirits, who, though bearing a brand on their own conscience—as a criminal is disfigured—would pretend to sanctity [id est, holiness] to gain credence for their lies…”) The peril of the Church at the close of the age is therefore from supernatural beings who are “hypocrites”—who pretend to be what they are not—who give “teaching” which appear to make for greater holiness by producing ascetic severity to the “flesh,” but who themselves are wicked and unclean and bring those they deceive into contact with the foulness of their own presence. #RandolphHarris 6 of 20

Through loneliness, many people find out that they do not need drugs anymore to keep themselves going. However, anyone who takes drugs may need guidance and really to find one’s self before it is too late; everybody is better than they think they are. They could do it if they really want to. All it takes is a little understanding in one’s self and willpower and also guidance to lead such a person to take a good look at one’s self, and ask one’s self does one really need these drugs to get where one wants to be? I do not think so. People face childbirth, child illness, at the moment of decision concerning one’s belief, or lack of it, in the divine. And then more frequently, with similar impact strangely enough, yet with less intensity, during the “little” moments of our existence—knowing, for a feeling moment, that differences exist without the need for making comparisons, knowing our own touchings of the other. All this we can only know alone. Some of us can express them, as you have, some of us keep them locked in our hearts. And this is even more painful, because it is only with the occasional comings out of our loneliness that we can be with it at all—even if this means just our knowing it ourselves. It is like the to-and-fro of living. There must be this movement, for one moment alone would be incompatible with life, physical or otherwise. It is necessary to repeat that first of all you must understandhow wrong negative emotions are, how unless they are, and then you must understand that they cannot exist without identification. #RandolphHarris 7 of 20

It will take you a long time to realize this, but when you have done so, you must try to divide your negative emotions into three categories. First, the more or less ordinary everyday negative emotions which happen often, and are always connected with identification. Certainly, you must observe them and you must already have a certain control over the expression of them. Then you must start dealing with them by trying not to identify, by avoiding identification as often as you can, not only in relation to these emotions but in relation to everything. If you create in yourself the capacity of not identifying, that will affect these emotions and you will notice how they begin to disappear. The second category do not appear every day. They are the more difficult, more complicated emotions depending on some mental process—suspicion, hurt feelings and many things like that. They are more difficult to conquer. You can deal with them by creating a right mental attitude, by thinking—not at the time when you are in the negative emotion, but in between, when you are quite. Try to find the right attitude, the right point of view, and make it permanent. If you create right thinking, that will take all power from these negative emotions. Then there is a third category, much more intense, much more difficult, and very rare. Against them you can do nothing. These two methods—struggle with identification and creating right attitudes—do not help. When such emotions come you can do only one thing: you must try to remember yourself; to remember yourself with the help of the emotions. That will change them after some time. However, for this you have to be prepared; it is quite a special thing. #RandolphHarris 8 of 20

There is a class of offenses sometimes called acts of malice or spite. These often imply arrogance, disdain, and deep hostility, as when a middle-class person yawns directly before others in a slow and elaborate manner. Maliciously offensive acts give the following impression: they are easily controllable; their significance can be and is appreciated by the offender; the offender would not modify one’s conduct at the time even if given a second chance, and seems to have no reason for the act other than what one can convey by it to those one offends. Quite similar to malicious offenses are “contingent” ones, which have the same qualities as spiteful acts except that the offender has reasons for his act outside of the occasion and its participants. Here we have the individual who inconsiderably laughs out loud over something one is reading, not out of malice, but because one is genuinely amused. The more “legitimate” the offender’s reasons, of course, the more these contingent offenses are viewed as fully excusable, and the less intentionality is imputed to them. Malicious acts represent some kind of extreme of intentionality. At the other extreme, that of complete unintentionality, is the delict of the individua perceived as having an organic brain injury: one’s offense is not controllable by one, sometimes one cannot and hence does not appreciate its significance, and one may not be amenable to correction. Somewhere in between these extremes is the individual who offends because one is accustomed to a different idiom and structure of involvement from the ones sanctioned by those in the situation. #RandolphHarris 9 of 20

 One’s offensive act is one that one controls; one might be willing to alter one’s conduct if one appreciated its current significance, and of such appreciation one is fully capable. There is also the case of the withdrawn individual who could, if one wished, withdraw from one’s withdrawal, and who, in that sense, controls one’s act. One may not appreciate the significance of one’s act for others, since one has no interest in discovering it, although presumably one could discover it if one wanted to; and one is not currently amenable to changing one’s conduct. Then, of course, there is the individual who is too preoccupied, too nervous, or too self-conscious to fit in, the basis of one’s uneasiness being one that others consider temporary, natural, and understandable. Such an individual can appreciated the difficulty one is causing and may well do so; indeed, one mat actively desire to correct one’s conduct but be unable to do so at the moment. The creature release known as a “tic” is an example, this misconduct sometimes evoking pity and contempt for the tiqueur’s incapacity to sustain the image that one’s other means self-control claim for one. A similar instance is the individual whose repertoire of clothing  provides dress that is either too formal or too informal for the occasion one must attend, thus forcing one to be out of place. Finally, there is the individual who accidentally and uncharacteristically intrudes upon a situation in which one cannot fit, thereby committing an offense one wishes one had not committed and would have been fully capable of avoiding had one know in advance what was to happen. Note that in all these examples with witness would be just in conceiving of the offender as someone who was alienated from the gathering and its rulings, although there is some realization that in no two cases are the bases for alienation the same. #RandolphHarris 10 of 20

Because the significance of an offense is dependent on whether or not the act was intentional, and because so many different kinds of intentionality and unintentionally exist, we can see that an offense as such tells us very little about the offender. All those who exhibit alienation from a gathering may share nothing but their alienation. With this understanding, then, one can proceed carefully to try to list some of the things that a situational impropriety can tell us about the person who commits it, aside from the fact that one is in some sense alienated from the gathering. What this amounts to is an isolation of the types of social unit, other than social occasions, that can be the object of alienation. We study ourselves not from the point of view od what we are but of what we may become, so that when we have studied certain things sufficiently, we work to change them. Sufficiently serious study, in itself, produces some change, but all the results of this change may be spoiled by certain negative emotions. If you start this work to change yourself without conquering negative emotions, one side of you will work and another side will spoil your work, so that after a time, you may find yourself in a worse state than before. It has already happened several times to people who wished to keep their negative emotions that continuation of this work become impossible for them. There were moments when they realized the danger of their negative emotions but they failed to make sufficient efforts during those moments and the negative emotions became stronger. It has been explained already that a right attitude towards negative emotions destroys most of them. If we are to avoid spoiling the result of our work, it is important that we learn to cultivate this attitude from the beginning. #RandolphHarris 11 of 20

When the World is in the process of assimilating molecular manufacturing, years from now, it would be best if people were ready and if the World situation favored peaceful, cooperative applications. Balanced international progress would be better than dominance by any nation. Cooperative development would be better than technological rivalry. A focus on civilian goals would be better than a focus on military goals. A well-informed public supporting sound policies would be better than a startled public supporting half-baked schemes. All these goals will be best served if politicians are not forced to act like idiots—that is, if the state of public opinion permits them to make the right decisions, and perhaps even make bad decision politically costly. The basic objective is straightforward: a World in which as many people as possible have a basic understanding of what is happening, a picture of how it can lead to a better future, and a broad understanding of what to do (and not to do) to reach that future. The outlines of a beneficial scenario would then look something like this: Environmental groups and agencies have thought through the issues raised by nanotechnology, and know what applications they want to promote and what abuses they want to prevent. Likewise, medical associations, associations of retired persons, and the Social Security Administration have thought through the issues raised by dramatically improved medical care and economic productivity, and are ready with policy recommendations. #RandolphHarris 12 of 20

Business groups have done likewise with economic issues, and business watchdog groups are ready to expose policies that merely serve special interests. Labor groups have considered the impact of a deep, global economic restructuring on the jobs and income of their members, and have proposals for cushioning the shock without holding down productivity. Religious leaders have considered the moral dimensions of many applications, and are ready with advice. Military analysts and arms-control analysts have done the painstaking work of thinking through strategic scenarios, and have developed an agreed-on core of policies for maintaining stability. International committees and agencies have made the new technologies a focus of discussion and planning, and backed by a healthy climate of opinion, they make international cooperation work. Overall, supported by a framework of sensible public opinion and sensible politics, the complex process of adapting to change is working rather well. In field after field, group after group has put in the hard work needed to come up with polices that would advance their real interests without wrecking someone else’s interest. This is possibly more often that most would have expected, because molecular manufacturing makes possible so many beneficial-sum choices. There are still big battles, but there is also a large core of agreement. In this time of transition, some people are actively involved in developing and guiding the technologies, but most people act as citizens, consumers, workers, friends, and family members. They shape what happens in the broader World by their votes, contributions, and purchases. They shape what happens in their families and communities by what they say, what they do, and specially be the educational investments they have made or supported. By their choices, they determine what nanotechnology means for daily life. #RandolphHarris 13 of 20

The basic direction of change in the media since at least 1970, when the de-massification of the airwaves was foreshadowed, has been toward the breakup of mass audiences into segments and subgroup, each receiving a different configuration of programs and messages. Along with this has come a vast expansion of the sheer amount of imagery transmitted by television in the form of both new and entertainment. There is a reason for this image-explosion. Humans, of course, have always exchanged symbolic images of reality. That is what language is all about. It is what knowledge is based on. However, different societies require either more or less symbolic exchange. The transition to a knowledge-based economy sharply increases the demand for communication and swamps the old image-delivery systems. Advanced economies require a labor force with high levels of symbolic sophistication. This work forces needs instant and largely free access to all sorts of information hitherto considered irrelevant to its productivity. It needs workers who can quickly adapt to, and even anticipate, repeated changes in work methods, organizations, and daily life. The very best workers are Worldly, alert to new ideas and fashions, customer preferences, economic and political changes, aware of competitive pressures, cultural shifts, and many other things previously regarded as pertinent only to managerial elites. #RandolphHarris 14 of 20

This wide-scan knowledge does not come out of classrooms or from technical manuals alone, but from exposure to a constant barrage of news delivered by TV, newspapers, magazine, and radio. It also comes indirectly from “entertainment”—much of which unintentionally delivers information about new life styles, interpersonal relationships, social problems, and even foreign customs and markets. Some shows, like All American, which stars the actress Monet Mazur, deliberately build drama or comedy around current news and current events. However, even when this is not the case, television shows, sometimes despite themselves, convey images of reality. It is true that the intentional content of a television show—the plot and the behavior of the principal characters—often paints a false picture of social reality. However, there is in all television programs and commercials, as well as in movies, an additional layer of what we might call “inadvertent content.” This consists of background detail—landscape, cars, street scenes, architecture, telephones, answering machines, as well as barely noticed behavior, like the banter between a waitress and a customer as the hero seats himself at a lunch counter. In contrast with the intended content, the inadvertent detail frequently provides a quite accurate picture of quotidian reality. Moreover, even the tritest “police shows” picture current fads and fashions, and express popular attitudes toward pleasures of the flesh, religion, money, and politics. None of this is ignored or forgotten by the viewer. It is filed away in the mind, forming part of a person’s general bank of knowledge about the World. #RandolphHarris 15 of 20

Thus, good and bad alike, it influences the bag of assumptions brought to the Workplace. (Ironically, much of the worker’s image of the World, which increasingly affects economic productivity, is thus absorbed during “leisure” hours.) For this reason, “mere entertainment” is no longer “mere.” The new economy is tightly tied not only to formal knowledge and technical skills but even to popular culture and the expanding market for imagery. This seething market is not only growing, but is simultaneously being restructured. Its very categories are re-forming. For better or worse, the old lines between show business and politics, leisure and work, news and entertainment, are all crashing, and we are exposed to a hurricane of often fragmented, kaleidoscopic images. The foundation of a democratic government is that it respects the will of the people as expressed through the ballot box. Unfortunately, these lofty ideals are not so easily implemented. Strategic issues arise in voting, jut as in any other multiperson game. Voters will often has an incentive to misrepresent their true preferences. Neither majority rule nor any other voting scheme can solve this problem, for there does not exist any one perfect system for aggregating up individuals’ preferences into a will of the people. What this means is that the structure of the game matters. For example, when Congress has to choose between many competing bills, the order in which votes are taken can have a great influence on the final outcome. We begin by looking at the voting process more carefully, figuring out just when an individual’s vote matters. Recent presidential elections have emphasized the importance of the selection of the vice resident. This person will be just a heartbeat away from the residency. However, most candidates for president spurn the suggestion of the second sport on the ticket, and most vice presidents do not seem to enjoy the experience. The prospect of twiddling one’s thumbs for four or eight years, waiting for the boss to die, is hardly a fit occupation for anyone. (No doubt they console themselves by thinking of the even worse plight of Britain’s Prince Charles.) John Nance Garner, FDR’s first VP, expressed this succinctly: “The vice-presidency ain’t worth a pitcher of warm spirt.” #RandolphHarris 16 of 20

Only one clause of the Constitution of the United States of America specifies any actual activity for the vice president. Article I, Section 3.4 says: “The Vice-President of the United States of America shall be President of the Senate, but shall have n vote, unless they be equally divided.” The presiding is “ceremony, idle ceremony,” and most of the time the vice present delegates this responsibility to a rotation of junior senators chosen by the senate majority leader. Is the tiebreaking vote important, or is it just more ceremony? At first glance, both logic and evidence seem to support the ceremonial viewpoint. The vice president’s vote just does not seem important. The change of a tie vote is small. The most favourable circumstances for  tie arise when each senator is just as likely to vote one way as the other, and an even number of senators vote. The result will be roughly one tie vote in twelve. Of course senators’ votes are far from random. Only when the two parties are roughly equal or when there is an especially divisive issues that splits some of the party lines does the vice president’s vote get counted. The most active tiebreaking vice president was our first, John Adams. He cast 29 tiebreaking votes during his eight years. This is not surprising, since his Senate consisted of only 20 members, and a tie was almost three times more likely than it is today, with our 100-member Senate. In fact, over the first 200 years, there have been only 222 occasions for the vice president to vote. More recently, Richard Nixon, under Eisenhower, was the most active vice president, casting a total of 8 tiebreaking votes—out of 1,229 decisions reached by the Senate during the period 1953-61. This fall in tiebreaking votes also reflects the fact that the two-party system is much more entrenched, so that fewer issues are likely to cross party lines. #RandolphHarris 17 of 20

However, this ceremonial picture of the vice president’s vote is misleading. More important than how often the vice president votes is the impact of the vote. Measured correctly, the vice president’s vote I roughly equal in important to tht of any senator. One reason that the vice president’s vote matters is that it tends to decide only the most important and divisive issues. For example, George Bush, as vice president, voted to save both the administration’s chemical weapons program (twice) and the MX missile program. This suggest that we should look more closely at just when it is that a vote matters. A vote can have one of two effects. It can be instrumental in determining the outcome, or it can be a “voice” that influences the margin of victory or defeat without altering the outcome. In a decision-making body like the Senate, the first aspect is the more important one. To demonstrate the importance of the vice president’s current position, imagine tht the vice president is given a regular vote as President of the Senate. When does this have any additional impact? For important issues, all 100 senators will try to be present. (Or senators on opposite sides of the issue will try to pair off their absences.) If the 100 senators are split 51-49 or more lopsidedly, then the outcome is the same no matter which way the vice president votes. The only time the outcome hinges on the vice president’s 101^st vote is when the Senate is split 50-50, just the same as now, when the vice president has only a tiebreaking vote. We recognize that our account of a vice president’s voting power leaves out aspects of reality. Some of these imply less power for the vice president; others, more. Much of a senator’s power comes from the work in committees, in which the vice president does not partake. On the other hand, the vice president has the veto power of the president on his side. #RandolphHarris 18 of 20

Our illustration of the vice president’s vote leads to an important moral of wider applicability: anyone’s vote affects the outcome only when it creates or breaks a tie. Think how important your own vote is in different contexts. How influential can you be in a presidential election? Your town’s mayoral election? You club’s secretarial selection? As with the Senate, the change that the rest f the electorate reaches a tie, leaving you decisive, is at a maximum when each voter is just as likely to vote on one way as the other. Mathematical calculation shows that the chances of a tie are proportional to the square root of the number of voters: increasing the electorate a millionfold reduces the chances of a tie by a factor of a thousand. In the Senate, with 100 voters, we saw that the chance of  tie in the most favorable circumstances was 1 in 12. In a presidential election with 100 million voters, it drops to 1 in 12,000. Because of the electoral college system, there is a greater chance that you will be decisive in affecting the electoral votes in your state. However, the fact that the population is rarely split so evenly works the other way, and even a slight advantage for one candidate or the other reduces the chances of a tie drastically. So you might take 1 in 12,000 as an optimistic estimate of your influence in presidential election. Considering these odds, is it worth your while to vote? To explore this question, let us take a concrete example. Suppose one candidate, Mr. Soft Heart, has promised to raise the minimum wage from $13.50 to $15.00, and the other, Mr. Hard Head, is opposed to any increase. #RandolphHarris 19 of 20

If you hold a minimum-wage job when the wage rises, Mr. Heart will mean $3,000 more a year in your pocket than Mr. Head. Over the four years, this will amount to $12,000. However, the chance that your vote will bring this is only 1 in 12,000. The expected advantage to you from your vote is only a dollar. It is not worth your while to vote if to do so is your must sacrifice even 20 minutes of paid working time. Surveys find that most people value their leisure time at about half their wage rate. Therefore voting is not worth 40 minutes of your leisure time. Even if you are unlikely to change the outcome, you can still add your voice to the crowd. However, will it be heard? While it is clear that 100 million to 0 is a landslide, there is no apparent line where the change in one vote causes a landslide to become a simple victory. And yet if enough people change their vote, the landslide in the other direction. This absence of a “bright line” dates back to the Greek philosopher Zeno, who tells the paradox in terms of creating a mound from grains can turn a non-mound into a mound. And yet, enough grains will turn a molehill into a mountain. A vote is much like a grain of sand. It is hard to imagine how one additional vote will change anyone’s perception of the outcomes. (Even though any single individual’s opinion of the outcome is ever so slightly changes, a small impact on a large number of people may still add up to something.” What this tells us is that calculations of personal gains and costs cannot be decisive in motivating people to vote. For the proper functioning of democracy, however, it is very important that people do so. That is why we need social conditioning. From civics classes in elementary school to election-eve appeals to one’s patriotic duty, societies work to get out the vote—even if individual voters do not have any major impact on the election. The theory of statistics tells us that if the vote from a random sample of 10,000 give one candidate a 5 percent edge (5,250 or more voters), then there is a less than one-in-a-million chance the outcomes will be reversed, even if 100 million people vote. If the vote is closer we have to continue expanding the survey size. While this process could greatly reduce the cost of voting, the potential for abuse is also great. The selection of a random voter is subject to a nightmare of problems. Where patriotic duty is found insufficient, people are sometimes legally required to vote, as is the case in several countries, including Australia. #RandolphHarris 20 of 20

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Scholars, lobbyists, and policy makers have long argued over the role that guns play in the thoughts and behaviors of young violent offenders. Out of the 835 young offenders interviewed, who are being housed in six different maximum security juvenile detention centers located in four different states (California, New Jersey, Illinois, and Louisiana), the vast majority of the youths reported owning a gun in the days before they were incarcerated. Guns appeared to be a common part of these youth’s daily lives, as most said they routinely carry these weapons when they are outside of their homes. A strong relationship between guns and crime is observed as many youths claimed to have fired their weapons at someone, used it in a robbery, or bought the gun for the expressed purpose of committing a crime. Surprisingly, self-preservation emerged as the primary reason for carrying and using a gun. The data shows that these youths live in a violence-prone World and thus see a very real need to arm themselves as a means of surviving and thriving in this environment. This perceived need to be armed possess a formidable stumbling block for policy makers who seek to reduce gun-related violence on our city streets. A number of recent investigations reflet a growing concern with the prevalence of gun possession among juveniles, though it is important to note that these studies pertain to relatively average rather than to more seriously criminal youth. #RandolphHarris 1 of 24

A survey found that of 390 high school students in Baltimore, for example, nearly 50 percent of the males had carried a gun to school at least once. Three percent of males in a recent survey of 11,000 eighth- and tenth-grade students in 20 state reported brining  handgun to school during the year preceding the survey. Four percent of a nationally representative sample of 11,631 students (21 percent Black males) in grades 9 through 12 reported carrying a gun at least once within the 30 days prior to being surveyed. A survey of 11^th grade students in Seattle found that 11 percent of the males reported owning a handgun; six percent had carried a gun to school sometime in the past. Focusing only on inner-city youth, a multi-state study found that one in three male and one in ten female high school students had carried a gun on the streets. Presumably, these figures, pertaining as they do to relatively standard student populations, would inflate to the extent they reflected the firearm-possession patters of more criminally active youth. Though the prevalence problem is not fairly well grounded empirically, little research has examined juveniles who report robbery and assaultive behavior have higher rates of gun and other weapon possession than do non-violent juveniles. However, without indicting the logic of the guns and crime equation, it is also fair to say that it reflects the worries of actual and potential victims of crime more than their thoughtful analysis of the man roles firearms might play in the lives of youth. #RandolphHarris 2 of 24

Two percent of the students in one national-level study, for example, had carried a weapon (including, but not limited to, guns) to school for protection at least once during a six-month period. In a second national-level study, one in five high school students reported carrying a weapon (including, but not limited to, guns; also not limited to weapon-carrying in schools) during the past 30 days for protection or use in a fight. The issues of motivation for possessing and carrying of firearms remains open for the present. While clearly not representative of all juvenile offenders, youths of the sort found in the present sample likely are responsible for a very high percentage of the serious crime committed by juveniles and are far more criminal than the most criminal of non-incarcerated youth. Most were apprehended and incarcerated because they committed so many serious crimes that the odds caught up with them. To the extent firearms activity is pervasive among juveniles, it should be so among this population. The issues is whether or not criminal activity represents the motivating factor in gun possession and carrying by youths like these; if not, then it is likely to be the motivating factor among less seriously offending youths. In this light, the motivation issue becomes particularly important for policy makers, especially for those relaying upon gun control and “get tough” legislation. #RandolphHarris 3 of 24

Possession, Carrying, and Offending—to assess firearm possession, respondents were asked to check, from a list of firearms, those they owned or possessed immediately prior to incarceration. Types of guns included (a) revolvers, (b) automatic or semiautomatic handguns, (c) regular shotguns, (d), awed-off shotguns, and (e) “other.” Automatic and semiautomatic firearms (riles and handguns that automatically place a new round into the firing chamber) were treated in combination because the aim was simply to distinguish rapid-fire from more traditional guns. The carrying of guns was measured in terms of the frequency with which the respondent carried a gun during the year or two prior to incarceration, “outside your home (including in your car).” Routine gun-carrying was operationalized as carrying “all” or “most” of the time (as opposed to “only now and then” or “never”). Crime-related behaviors were measured in terms of whether or not the respondent had ever (a) obtained a gun “specifically to use in committing crimes”; (b) “committed a crime with a gun”; (c) “fired a gun during a crime”; (d) “actually fired a gun at somebody”; or (e) committed armed robbery (“stuck up stores or people”—though not specifically with a gun). Regarding both the gun- and the crime-related activity of the inmate respondents, eighty-three percent possessed a gun of some kind. Handguns were the most commonly owned firearms, followed closely by sawed-off shotguns. Regular shotguns and automatic and semiautomatic rifles, clearly more cumbersome weapons, were less favored. #RandolphHarris 4 of 24

Fifty-five of the inmates carried funs routinely prior to incarceration. Nearly half of the sample had committed armed robbery. Though only 40 percent have ever procured a gun specifically for a crime, 55 percent had fire a gun during a crime. Seventy-six percent of the respondents had actually fired a gun at someone. The popular fear concerning victimization by armed juveniles is not wholly unfounded, though the findings that only four in ten respondents had procured a gun specifically for use in crime and that three in four respondents had fired at someone point to multiple needs and uses for guns among the respondents. Relationship of guns to violence crime—although an immediate task was to gain some sense of patterns of violent criminality by respondents who reported having possessed firearms, it is important to note that problem of causal direction regarding the gun-crime relationship. It may well be that predators seek out guns or certain types of guns; it may as easily be that persons with guns or certain types of gun are more likely to rob or kill. The former possibility is, of course, a relative truism given that the crimes examined in this study are directly firearm related. As expected, current respondents involved in violence were indeed significantly more likely than those who were not to own every kind of gun of interest here and to carry firearms routinely, though it is noteworthy that reasonably high percentages of those who did not engage in crimes of violence owned and carried firearms. #RandolphHarris 5 of 24

Involvement in crime was particularly associated with possession of handguns and sawed-off shotguns, less so with possession of regular shotguns and automatic semiautomatic rifles. Ownership of any given type of firearm and the routine carrying of a gun are both significantly and strongly related to violent activity. These findings suggest that, at least for the type of juvenile confined in a maximum security reformatory, it is like that gun possession leads to violent crime as it is that violent crime promotes gun possession. More likely still, the finding point less to a causal possibility than to an environment characterized by both firearms and crime. Firearms are carried for numerous reasons; they are also useful in the commission of crimes, most of which would be attempted even if firearms were not available. Possession and carrying of guns are more strongly linked to generally having fired at someone than to having engaged in the predatory offenses. Why do juveniles carry or use firearms in the commissions of crimes? In many cases guns are a tool of the trade in robberies, for instance, because they permit robbery of more lucrative targets; other point to guns as highly intimidating and, thus, more facilitative of robbery. Injury to victims is inversely related to the use of a gun as the robber’s weapon. Much of gun use in predatory crimes is motivated by the felon’s perceived need to protect oneself from the potentially aggressive victim. Much regarding choice and use of weapons by criminals likely depends upon whether or not the offenders are “professionals” or “career” offenders. The motivations for firearm use in crimes by juveniles—not yet “career” offenders—have yet to be identified. #RandolphHarris 6 of 24

When it comes to committing crimes, 45 percent of inmates believed that possessing a weapon decreased the odds that the victim would reduce the offender, and 42 percent reasoned that people do not “mess with” someone with a weapon. Important though it seemed to be for the type of juvenile studied here, intimidation with a weapon took a back seat to self-protection in the decision to arm oneself to commit a crime. The two reasons considered most important by the offenders in question related to the offender’s sense of risk of harm associated with the crim. Eighty percent considered it very important to be ready to defend oneself in a crime, and 58 percent expressed concern that a victim might be armed. In a related vein, 49 percent thought a weapon might facilitate an escape from a crime scene. The perception of risk to the offender in a crime situation likely is not groundless. A juvenile in the process of deciding to commit a crime contemplates a range of risks and benefits. The benefits consist of financial or other gains. The costs include the possibility of being caught and imprisoned as well as being shot (or otherwise injured) in the course of the crime either by the victim, a bystander, or the police. The probability of encountering a victim who possesses a firearm is by no means trivial. Many private citizens claim to own guns for self-defense. Indeed, 36 percent of the respondents in this study reported having decided at least “a few times” not to commit a crime because they believed the potential victim was armed. Seventy percent of the respondents reported having been “scared off, shot at, wounded, or captured by an armed crime victim.” #RandolphHarris 7 of 24

War is the key work of the Apocalypse: war on a scale undreamed of by mortal man; war between vast angelic powers of light and darkness; war by the dragon and the deceived World powers upon the saints; war by the same World powers against the Lamb; war by the dragon upon the Church; war in many phases and forms, until the end when the Lamb overcomes, and they also overcome who are with Him, “called chosen and faithful” (Rev. 17.14). The World is now drawing nearer to “the time of the end,” characterized by the deception depicted in the Apocalypse a being World-wide—when there will be deception both of nations and individuals, on such a vast scale that the deceiver will practically have the whole Earth under his control. Before this climax is reached, there will be preliminary stage of the deceiver’s workings, marked by the widespread deception of individuals both within and outside of the professing Church—beyond the ordinary condition of deception in which the unregenerate World is lying. To understand why the deceiver will be able to produce this World-wide deception which will permit the supernatural power to carry out their will and drive nations and men into active rebellion against God, we need clearly to grasp what the Scripture say about the World in its fallen state. If Satan is described in the Apocalypse as the deceiver of the whole Earth, he has been so from the beginning. “The whole World lieth in the evil one” (1 John 5.19), said the apostle to whom was given the Revelation, describing the World as already lying deep in darkness through the deception of the evil one and blindly led by him though vast evil spirit hosts under his control. #RandolphHarris 8 of 24

Outside the set observances, which become instinctive, which cost little, which have the value of art, one might be free to be, but not bound to exhibit oneself. There were far more “personalities” in the ages of manners. However, so-called free, or intelligent society imposes a constant tax on all the powers. There is no guide here. To please, even to conform to what is expected, one must constantly draw on a private natural genius, meant for one’s own pleasure or for the intimacies of love. Exhaustion, a sense of spentness and deflation, follows in many people the unconventional supper, the longueurs of the free-and-easy weekend. You can go wrong at any point, and by going wrong drag up a host of agonies: here too much is involved. Manners were a protection; they also stabilized one. How much more gladly would one observe ritual than be put through a series of daunting hoops. It has so far been assumed that the involvement rulings governing conduct within a particular situation remain constant for the duration of the situation and that, therefore, the over-all tendency to tightness or looseness within the situation is something that can be neatly assessed, at least in theory. However, as had already been suggested, when we look beyond a social situation to the social occasion of which it is a part, important cycles of change are found in involvement rulings, especially, apparently, when the occasion is formal or tightly defined. Thus, an occasion may begin with a period of muttering and milling, move on to the formal official proceedings, and then terminate in another loosely defined period, exhibiting in this way a standard type of involvement. #RandolphHarris 9 of 24

Correspondingly, the occasion may start with a multifocused situation, move on to official proceedings which exhaust the situation, and terminate in a multifocused arrangement once again. A situation, then, may be the scene of a routine cycle of changes regarding approved tighteness or looseness, with the result that picture at any one point in time is likely to provide a misleading view of the whole. Given the general level of tightness (or looseness) established in the situation, and the orderly changes prescribed in this regard, it is worth noting that the normative stability found in the situation may be due to the presence of guardians who informally or formally have the special job of keeping “order.” Thus, we read of the silentiarius, the Roman slave whose job it was to regulate the noise level maintained by other slaves. In our day, chaperones, referees, nursey-school teachers, judges, police, ward attendants, and ushers are among those who perform this function. Let us see what we see, record what we find, and not fool ourselves with conventional scientific strictures—in that lonely and uninhabited Gulf our boat and ourselves would change in the moment we entered. By going there, we would bring a new factor to the Gulf. Let us consider that factor and not be betrayed by this myth of permanent objective reality. If it exists at all it is only available in pickled tatters or in distorted flashes. “Let us go,” we said, “into the Sea of Cortez, realizing that we become forever a part of it; that our rubber boots slogging through a flat of eelgrass, that the rocks we turn over in a tide pool, make us truly and permanently a factor in the ecology of the region. We shall take something away from it, but we shall leave something too.” #RandolphHarris 10 of 24

And if we seem a small factor in a huge pattern, nevertheless it is if relative importance. And that is not terribly important to the tide pool. Fifty miles away the Japanese shrimp boats are dredging with overlapping scoops, bring up tones of shrimps, rapidly destroying the ecological balance of the whole region. That is not very important in the World. And six thousand miles away the great bombs are falling on London and the stars are not moved thereby. None of it is important or all of it is. It is, therefore possible to differentiate and refine the meaning of loneliness, to expand and illustrate its nature and relevance in human experience. There is value to being open to significant dimension of experience in which comprehension and compassion mingle; intellect, emotion, and spirit are integrated; and intuition, spontaneity, and self-exploration are seen as components of unified experience. Discovery and creation are reflections of a serious search into human ventures, processes, and experience. The fear of self-discovery is a strong component in avoiding loneliness and solitude. Once this courageous step is taken, however, there is no turning back. Loneliness…the word usually brings with it an air of apartness, as ne removed from throbbing, pulsing day-to-day places. How can I tell you? Today in spite of all one’s need to love and be loved, many prefer moments of relief…alone. They may be soft and pliable clay, but, every has their own dreams. There is an individual inside of each and everyone of us that no one knows, so deep, so buried that it only comes out in peaceful moments, alone. #RandolphHarris 11 of 24

In the peaceful moments, one is free, free of pressure or panic. Deep, vibrant warm, calm, enveloping a beauty that is trampled in the madness of here and now. Aloft, without vanity or smugness are tears of joy. Only then will one feel the peace and depth of one’s real self. The days are filled with struggle for survival, the nights often tense, full of the day’s anxieties. Who you are, you will secretly begin to know. Living in the shadow of fear and mockery from tyrannical parents, pushed about with more mockery in daily life, one escapes reality by fantasies filled with gentleness and love, something one may never find enough of in the real World. Perhaps it is the hungry need to be alone, somewhere, if only for a peaceful moment. There is a necessity in man to understand the four chief functions of the human machine—thinking, feeling, moving, instinctive—and to try to observe the differences in quality of their manifestation in each of the three states of consciousness. All four functions can manifest themselves in sleep, but their manifestations are desultory and unreliable; they cannot be used in any way, they just go by themselves. In the state of relative consciousness or waking-state, the can, to a certain extent, serve for our orientation. Their results can be compared, verified, straightened out, and although they may create many illusions, still in our ordinary state we have nothing else and must make of them what we can. #RandolphHarris 12 of 24

If we knew the quantity of wrong observations, wrong theories, wrong deductions and conclusions made in this state, we should cease to believe ourselves altogether. However, men do not realize how deceptive their observations and their theories can be, and they continue to believe in them. It is this that keeps man from observing the rare moments when their functions manifest themselves in connection with glimpses of the third state of consciousness or self-consciousness. Observing of functions is long work. It is necessary to find many examples of each. In studying, we begin to see that we cannot study everything on the same level, that we cannot observe ourselves impartially. Unavoidably we see that some functions are right and other undesirable from the point of view of our aim. And we must have an aim, otherwise no study can have any result. If we realize that we are asleep, the aim is to awaken; if we realize that we are machines, the aim is to cease to be machines. If we want to be more conscious, we must study what prevents us from remembering ourselves. So we have to introduce a certain valuation of functions from the point of view of whether they are useful or harmful for self-remembering. If you make a serious effort to observe functions for yourself, you will realize one thing. You will realize that ordinarily, whatever you do, whatever you think, whatever you feel, you do not remember yourself. #RandolphHarris 13 of 24

At the same time you will find that, you can increase your capacity for self-remembering. You will begin to remember yourself more often, and more deeply; you will begin to remember yourself in connection with more ideas, such as the idea of consciousness, the idea of work, and the idea of self-study. This question is: how are we to remember ourselves, how are we to make ourselves more aware? If you think seriously about negative emotions, you will find that they are the chief factors which prevent us from remembering ourselves. So the one thing cannot go without the other. You cannot struggle with negative emotions without remembering yourself more, and you cannot remember yourself more without struggling with negative emotions. As we look more into the realm of politics, there are other things to consider about life. Two political parties are trying to choose their position on the liberal-conservative ideological spectrum. First challenger takes a stand; then the incumbent responds. Suppose the voters range uniformly over the spectrum. For concreteness, number the political positions from 0 to 100, where 0 represents radical left and 100 represents arch-conservative. If the challenger chooses a position such as 48, slightly more liberal than the middle of the rod, the incumbent will take a position between that and the middle—say 49. Then voters with preferences of 48 and under will vote for the challenger; all others, making up just over 51 percent of the population, will vote for the incumbent. The incumbent will win. #RandolphHarris 14 of 24

If the challenger takes a position above 50, then the incumbent will locate between that and 50. Again this will get one more than half the votes. By the principle of looking ahead and reasoning backward, the challenger can figure out that his best bet is to locate right in the middle. As with highways, the position in the middle of the road is called the median. When voters’ preferences are not necessarily uniform, the challenger locates at the position where fifty percent of the voters are located to the left and fifty percent are to the right. This median is not necessarily the average position. The median position is determined by where there are an equal number of voices on each side, while the average gives weight to how far the voices are away. At the median location, the forces pulling for more conservative or more liberal positions have equal numbers. The best the incumbent can do is imitate the challenger. The two parties take identical stands, so each gets fifty percent of the votes if issues are the only thing that counts. The losers in this process are the voters, who get an echo rather than a choice. In practice, the parties do not take identical hard positions, but each fudges its stand around the middle group. This phenomenon was first recognized by Columbia University economist Harold Hotelling in 1929. He pointed out similar examples in economic and social affairs: “Our cities become uneconomically large and the business districts within them are too concentrated. Methodist and Presbyterian churches are too much alike; cider is too homogeneous.” #RandolphHarris 15 of 24

Would the excess homogeneity persist if there were three parties? Suppose they take turns to choose and revise their positions, and have no ideological baggage to tie them down. A party located on the outside will edge close to its neighbor to chip away some of its support. This will squeeze the party in the middle to such an extent that when its turn comes, it will want to jump to the outside and acquire a whole new and larger base of voters. This process will then continue, and there will be no equilibrium. In practice, parties have enough ideological baggage, and voters have enough party loyalty, to prevent such paid switches. In other cases, locations will not be fixed. Consider three people all waiting for a taxi in Manhattan. The one at the most uptown position will catch the first taxi going downtown, and the one located farthest downtown will catch the first uptown cab. The one in the middle is squeezed out. If the middle person is not willing to wait, one will move to one of the outside positions. Until the taxi arrives, there may not be an equilibrium; no individual is content to remain squeezed in the middle. Here we have yet another, and quite different, failure of an uncoordinated decision process; it may not have a determinate outcome at all. In such a situation, society has to find a different and coordinated way of reaching a stable outcome. Everywhere, too, there is a continuing info-war between the cult of secrecy and citizens groups fighting for even wider access. These battles cross party lines and are often so complex that they confuse the participants themselves. #RandolphHarris 16 of 24

For example, demand for openness get tangled when they conflict with publicly acknowledged needs for safety or security. After a terrorist bomb exploded on Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, killing 259 passengers and crew on December 21, 1988, the press revealed that authorities had been forewarned. An outraged World demanded to know why the public at large had not been warned at the same time. Much of the anger toward the terrorists was siphoned off and directed at the authorities instead. This anger soon led to an investigation by subcommittee of the U.S.A. House of Representatives. The subcommittee made public a long list of security bulletins previously issued to airlines by the Federal Aviation Administration. In turn, this breach of secrecy angered the Secretary of Transportation, who charged tht the subcommittee’s action “could jeopardize lives by disclosing security methods.” Congress woman Cardiss collings, the subcommittee chairperson, stood by her guns, however, and labeled the Secretary’s blast “misleading.” In fact, she said, publicly, disclosing the FAA’s bulletins showed up dangerous flaws in the entire warning system and thereby served the public. However, it was also clear that, with U.S.A. airlines alone receiving some three hundred bomb threats a year, publicizing every terrorist threat could paralyze air travel—and give terrorist the power to upset the system at any moment for the price of a phone call. #RandolphHarris 17 of 24

Soon the executive branch, the legislature, the airlines, the regulatory agencies, the police, and others were all joined in a still-continuing free-for-all over control of this information. In December 1989, just a year after the Lockerbie tragedy, Northwest Airlines received a bomb threat against its Paris-to-Detroit Flight 51. Aware of the outrage the year before, Northwest decided it would have to inform passengers ticketed on the flight. It intended to tell them at the gate before boarding. However, after a Swedish newspaper broke the story, Northwest began systematically notifying passengers by telephone in advance and agree to help them make alternate arrangements if they wishes. (Not all did, and the flight was made safely.) However, demands for more open information also clash with the demands for privacy. Many are surprised to know, that when it comes to infectious diseases and viruses, many who demand privacy are willing to break that vow and allow open information. Still more cross-interests arise from the existing morass of laws governing such things as copyright, patents, trade secrets, commercial secrecy, insider trading, and the like—all part of the fast-emerging info-agenda of politics. As the super-symbolic economy continues to expand, an information ethic may emerge appropriate to advanced economies. Today that coherent ethic is missing and political decisions are made in a bewildering moral vacuum. There are few riles that do not contradict other rules. #RandolphHarris 18 of 24

Many parts of the World still lack the most elementary freedom of information, and face cultural repression, brutal press censorship, and governments paranoid about secrecy. In the high-tech democracies, by contrast, where freedom of expression is moderately protected, info-politics had begun to move to a higher, more subtle level. We are, however, only at the beginning of info-politics in the technologically advances societies. So far we have been struggling with easy questions. Here is another scenario of the international technorivalry that we have been discussing the past few days. A variant of the Ordinary Expectation scenario had played out for a number of years now. And after year of continuing turbulence, the net result is this: Japanese economic power has grown, with other East Asian economies beginning to close the gap. Their greater investment in long-range civilian R&D, with a focus since the late 1980 on engineering molecular systems, has enabled them to take the lead on the path to nanotechnology. European economic integration and German unification, combined with the pressure of economic and technological competition from the United States of America and Japan, have turned Europe inward some extent. Although cultural ties with the United States of America keep U.S.-European relations on basically warm basis, hostility between Europe and Japan—already marked in the 1980s—has grown. Europe had long enjoyed great strength in chemistry and basic science, and in the 1980s had led the United States of America in organizing efforts on molecular electronics. This had placed them in a strong position with respect to nanotechnology, behind Japan but ahead of the United States of America. #RandolphHarris 19 of 24

The United States of America remains an enormously productive economy, but the cumulative effects of an educational system that neglects learning and corporations that emphasize quarterly results have made themselves felt. After decades of emphasizing the short term, people now find themselves living in the long term they had neglected. The reactions to U.S.A. relative economic decline has not been investment and renewal, but rhetoric and hostility directed toward “foreigners,” particularly the Japanese. It is thus an isolated and somewhat defensive Japan that builds the first molecular manipulator and recognizes its long-term potential. The technology is developed in a government-funded research laboratory with cooperation from major Japanese corporations. As the result of increasing tensions, foreign researchers—those still welcome in Japan—were not invited to participate in this particular effort. A series of committee meetings formalizes a tacit decision made earlier in choosing researchers, and the specifics of this new development are treated as propriety. Impressive results are announced, stirring pride in Japanese research, but the specifics of the methods involved are kept quiet. This scarcely delays the diffusion of the basic technology. After the first demonstration, even the most myopic funding agencies support the projects with the same goal. #RandolphHarris 20 of 24

A European project had already been started in a French laboratory: it soon succeeds in building an assembler based on somewhat different principles. European researchers follow the Japanese precedent by keeping the details of their techniques as a loosely held secret, in the name of European competitiveness. The United States of America follows suit a year later in an effort funded by the Department of Defense. Public life goes on much as before, dominated by the antics of entertainers and politicians, and by tales of the fate of the environment or the Social Security system in a fantasy-future of extrapolated twentieth-century technology. However, more and more, in policy circles and in the media, there is serious discussion of nanotechnology and molecular manufacturing—what they mean and what to do about them. In Japan, second-generation assemblers have begun to turn out small quantities of increasingly sophisticated molecular devices. These are prototypes of commercially useful products: sensors, molecular electronic devices, and scientific instruments; some are immediately useful even at a price of a hundred dollars per molecule. There are plans on drawing boards for molecular assemblers that could make these devices at prices of less than one trillionth of a dollar. There are long-term plans (viewed with hope and anticipation) for full-fledged molecular manufacturing able to make almost anything at low cost from common materials. #RandolphHarris 21 of 24

This is exciting. It promises to at last free Japan from its decades-old dependence on foreign trade, foreign food, foreign raw materials, and foreign politics. By making spaceflight inexpensive and routine, it promises to open the universe to a people cooped up on a crowded archipelago. Investment soars. Europe leads America but lags behind Japan and looks on Japanese progress with hostility. Europeans, too, share dreams of a powerful technology, and begin a face for the lead. The United States of America trails, but its huge resources and software expertise help it pick up speed as it joins the face. Other efforts also begin, and though they advance steadily, they cannot keep pace with the great power blocs. On all sides, the obvious military potential of molecular manufacturing fires military interest, then research and development in both publicly announced and secret programs. Strategists play nanotechnology war games in their minds, in their journals, and on their computers. They come away shaken. The more the look, the more strategies they find that would enable a technologically superior power to make a safe, preemptive move—lethal or nonlethal—against all its opponents. Defense seem possible in principle, but not in time. Yet it become obvious that molecular manufacturing can provide defenses against lesser technologies. #RandolphHarris 22 of 24

Even the great, mythical leak-proof missile shield looks practical when the defenders have vastly superior technology and a thousandfold cost advantage building military equipment. No great power seems particularly hostile. By then, all have formally or informally been in a peaceful alliance for many years. Yet there are still memories of war, and the bonds of alliance and military cooperation are weakened by the lack of a common enemy and the growth of economic rivalry. Ans so squabbles over trade in obsolescing twentieth-century technologies poison cooperation in developing and managing the fresh technologies of the twenty-first century. There are a thousand reasons to pursue military research and development in these technologies, and nationalistic economic competition helps keep that work secret on a nationalistic basis. Military planners must concern themselves not so much with intentions and with capabilities. And so technology developed in an atmosphere of commercial rivalry and secrecy matures in an atmosphere of military rivalry and secrecy. Advanced nanotechnologies arrive in the World not as advances in medicine, or in environmental restoration, or as a basis for new wealth, but as military systems developed in the midst of an accelerating multilateral arms race, with the quiet goal of preemptive use. #RandolphHarris 23 of 24

Negotiations and development run neck and neck, and then…Never forget that to form this country, hundreds of thousands of men (and now women) fought battles, and died in long, shallow trenches on the battlefield where they stayed until wives or orphans of the veterans raised enough money to have the remains exhumed and brought home. Needless to say, after several years in rich soil, unembalmed, buried without much more than a hat over their faces, there was not much left to send. That is why people are so offended when Americans disrespect the National Anthem, burn the flag, or break the law. This is not just a country of immigrants. It is a great country where millions of men and women have given their lives in the name of God, for your freedom, and so that you have the privilege of enjoying capitalism. All societies make mistakes, but let us not forget the good people who have pressed on so you can live in a free country. Instead of disrespecting Americana, find honorable ways to pursue your cause. During the revolution, some men were found still clutching their muskets with five or more bullets driven into their brains. #RandolphHarris 24 of 24

Cresleigh Homes

A day in the life at PlumasRanch CresleighMeadows Residence 2…

✨ Eggs and pancakes at the kitchen island
✨ Snuggles on the couch with the littles
✨ Plenty of backyard adventures
✨ Time to sleep tight!

Contact us to hear all about Homesite 79 – it’s ready for new owners!

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