Organized crime is the dirty side of the sharp dollar.  If you have a lot of what people want and cannot get, then you can supply the demand and shovel in the dough. The men who contributed greatly to the palpability of the American Dream—shaping the legacy of this country through their actions and feats—rarely fall neatly int the categories of good or bad, virtuous or vile. Some were downright crooks, scoundrels, and thugs. Some murdered, and many stole. Some used language that would make your mother blush. These men, for the most part, are called “politicians.” However, to be a Mafioso, or a gangster of note, requires more than just criminal activity. Such individual garner perennial respect and admiration by representing complicated but quintessentially American concepts of honor, ambition, and style. The identification of the mafia with organized crime—and thus the idea of an alien conspiracy polluting the economic and social life of the country—has been rejected by the majority of American social scientists since the 1960s. These have alternatively accused the mafia-centered view of organized crime of being ideological, serving personal political interests, and lacking in accuracy and empirical evidence. Some scholars, however, overreacted; up to the early 1980s, they categorically denied the existence of the of the Italian-American mafia as a structured and longstanding criminal organization. #RandolphHarris 1 of 20

 One of the earliest proponents of the new approach, expressed organized crime as, “illicit enterprise is the extension of legitimate market activities into areas normally proscribed—id est, beyond existing limits of law—for the pursuit of profit and in response to a latent illicit demand. More often, however, organized crime itself has been equated with the provision of illegal goods and services. Hence, organized crime [should] be defined as (or perhaps better limited to) those illegal activities involving the management and coordination of racketeering and vice. It is a social bad, that harms people and the economy. Yet it is also a phenomenon that goes beyond the profit motive, involving rituals, norms of behaviour, and codes of conduct. Organized crime has, thus, become a synonym for illegal enterprise. That is, the involvement in criminal market activities has become nowadays the basic requirement of virtually all definitions of organized crime in the U.S.A. scientific and official discourse. All organized criminals see themselves as different from common delinquents and random street thus. They aim to obtain exclusive control over specific criminal marketplaces not only by using violence and intimidations but also by creating networks of trusts outside the gangs—lawyers, chartered accountants, brokers, bankers, bureaucrats, politicians, police officers, judges, and labour union representatives. Their ultimate goal is power, not money, and they will do anything to get it, using all kinds of tactic, from violence to bribery and other corruption schemes. #RandolphHarris 2 of 20

In the World of organized criminals, the aim is also to acquire control or power over crime territories, which constitute the main source of money for the organized criminals which then, in turn, can be used to expand the power realm, thus guaranteeing more power in a vicious circle that is of great advantage to the criminal groups. This territory-power-money dynamic can be compressed into a formula that emblemizes the overall objective and operationality of all organized criminals. Territorial control = Power = Money = More power. The evil we are fighting out of us is also among us, inside us. Murders and tortures do not only have the cruel and famous faces of those who got their hands dirty with blood and in popular imagination are considered monsters (from monstrum: the person who is put on display) and on whom the evil of the Mafia can be cathartically projected, and exorcized. They also have the faces of people like us, who attend the same school, can be met in the best salons and pray to the same God, feeling they are good Christians at peace with themselves. Mobsters live among us undetected, making them enormously dangerous. They do not stand out publicly as marauders, like the pirates or brigands of the past, who could be identified easily through the particular type of clothes they wore and the kinds of weapons they bore. The mobsters move about incognito, indistinguishable from everyone else. They are doubly dangerous because they are well connected within legitimate society, having established connections with people in positions of influence and power—an arrangement based on the reciprocal exchange of favors. #RandolphHarris 3 of 20

At one time, this system of collusion was called patronage. Today we call it corruption, a quid-pro-quo system formed between the gangsters and city politicians, members of the police, and other upright citizens. Gangsters and the operators of illegal business helped win elections as campaign worker or financial contributors, or they helped to steal elections using fraud or intimidations. In return, politicians used their direct or indirect influence over the police and the courts to provide virtual immunity for favored criminals, particularly those who ran or protected gambling or prostitution enterprises, and even to eliminate petty potential rivals to established entrepreneurs. In sharp contrast to the Mafia, most organizational offending takes on a longer, colleague, or peer format. To further highlight this illustration, persons who engage in individual acts of crime and who work in environments with a weak work group dynamic (id est, hawk jobs) will tend to operate as loners. Embezzlers who steal cash from a bank, or academics who commit plagiarism or research fraud almost always seek to keep their crime a secret. These offenders are willing to exploit opportunities that arise from associations with other but they rarely discuss their wrongdoings with others. Other forms of organizational crime take on a more social character, fitting better into what we call a colleague-like arrangement. This is the hallmark of offending that takes place in “vulture” or “donkey” jobs. Most salespeople who commit expense account fraud like to keep their offending to themselves, despite the fact that they know of coworkers who engage in similar misdeeds. The same type of pattern manifests itself among cashiers who steal from the till. #RandolphHarris 4 of 20

“Wolfpack” jobs (id est, heavily rule-orientated, but group-centered workplaces) tend to produce yet another brand of organizational alignment. Here, strong group solidarity breeds peerlike associations and collective offending. For example, nurses and police officers are known to work together to ferine and maintain their collective and continued workplace violations. Regardless of the level of organizational alignment, it is safe to say that almost all organizational offending emerges from identifiable socialization scripts. Some horrific things such as the Nazi Holocaust can be incorporated into the common flow of everyday life. All members of the Nazi party, Germany army, and German population did not conspire to kill millions of Jewish people. Instead, the Nazi leadership devised and implemented a gradual transformation of how the rest of the country thought and behaved toward the Jewish people. This is called “metamorphosis,” “soul murder,” and “murder by installment.” It is the incremental move toward mass murder and the accompanying denial. The close-knit contacts within an organizational setting almost always provide ample opportunity for criminal tutelage to take place. By most accounts, the societal reaction to crimes that occur within organizational contexts is less severe than it is for street crime. This observation remains true even when the organizational crime in question is a violent or serious property offense. #RandolphHarris 5 of 20

In the organizational crime in question is a violent or serious property offense. In the final analysis, Americans simply subject business relations to a more loose set of moral expectations than they do personal relations. If someone kills a friend during n argument, we are outranged. However, if someone dies because of a profit-driven product was poorly designed or manufactured, we are likely to depict the situation as an unfortunate cost of doing business. Public apathy along with political denial or even complicity (id est, pressure from lobbyists and/or campaign contributions) gives rise to relaxed formal social control processes at every stage in the game (id est, enforcement, prosecution, and sentencing). Even when formal authorities want to get involved, they are forced to face the reality that these crimes are different. Corporate offenses pose special investigatory and prosecutorial problems that make the successful application of the criminal law complicated and difficult. The law enforcement response to cries that occur within organizational contexts has long been notoriously weak. For starters, organizational crime draws spotty attention from members of the law enforcement community. Federal authorities who bear the brunt of the enforcement workload reported 10,477 fraud (individual and institution-based consumer fraud combined) 1,170 tax fraud. There were 1,118 embezzlement, 745 RICO (organizational and nonorganizational offenders included), 419 obstruction of justice, 400 generic regulatory offense, 381 bribery, 341 civil rights, 318 forgery, 141 food and drug violation, 242 antitrust, and 4 national defense arrests. #RandolphHarris 6 of 20

Given the sheer number of employers and employees that exist in this country and the self-reported prevalence estimates that we have provided here, it seems quite reasonable to suggest that millions of organizational crimes go unreported to enforcement agencies each year. The question is why? Logic dictates the need for a multipart answer. First, many organizational offenses go undetected. Many of our nation’s corporations are so big that even the loss of large sums of money may never come to the attention of supervisors. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the finance department of most American corporations are sadly lacking in auditing skills and implementation. As such, unless a financial transgression is painfully obvious, most accountants will pass it over. In-house security personnel do little to improve this situation. In many cases, security departments are understaffed or underbudgeted. Take, for example, the retail industry. The average retail firm directs 0.79 percent of its total operating budget toward loss prevention and security. The average firm employs 5.75 security employees for $100 million in sales volume—the average firm deploys less than one security officer (0.85) per store location. Oftentimes, corporate officials become aware of transgressions but choose not to report them to outsiders. Organizations are hesitant to report internal theft for fear that it will be perceived as a sign of financial ineptitude by stockholders or potential clients. Company personnel choose to involve the police (id est, press charged) in 36 percent of all employee theft cases but 79 percent of all shoplifting cases. #RandolphHarris 7 of 20

The news does not get much better when it comes to the prosecution of organizational offenders. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Attorneys declined to purse a criminal indictment in 36 percent of the embezzlement, 52 percent of the bribery, 55 percent of the perjury, and 57 percent of the regulatory cases that were forwarded to them. This is not to say that organizational offenders illicit no response from or federal prosecutor. A study found that U.S. Attorneys brought criminal cases against 55 percent of the suspects that they investigated. This figure was nearly identical to that observed among non-white-collar suspects. When charges were filed, the federal prosecutors were said to pursue the case with the same tenacity as they did violent, property, or public offenses. State-level Attorney Generals are the highest-ranking state prosecutors with jurisdiction over organizational offenses. We found that these officers of the court pursue individual violators with much greater frequency and tenacity than they do corporate or organizational entities. We conclude that civil or administrative remedies were the preferred course of action when dealing with crime suspected white-collar crime. It is fairly clear that prosecutors prefer to resolve white-collar crime cases via plea bargains. The average case is quite complex and defendants generally employ a very capable defense team. This makes for a long and expensive trial with no guarantee of conviction. #RandolphHarris 8 of 20

Defendants will gladly plea bargain their case if they feel that the government has a strong case against them; namely, they will seek to cut a deal that allows them to avoid a term of incarceration. However, if the evidence is at all suspect, the defense team is likely to force the prosecutor into a trial. We found that 20 percent of the federal white-collar defendants in our sample pled not guilty and forced a trial. This figure is 3 to 4 times the trial rate that is experienced for most conventional street crimes. Cases involving corporations and/or their executive stand as a notable exception to the rule. We found that less than 1 percent of the 200,000+ organizational defendants in our sample saw their cases proceed to trial. Landmark criminal proceedings such as the Ford Pinto case reveal that it is very difficult to obtain a trial conviction in the case of corporate violence. Very few examples exist in which prosecutors have gone to trial alleging murder by a corporation or its executives and come away with a conviction. The resources that corporate entities can bring to bear are sizable and simply insurmountable. The available literature suggests that white-collar individuals and organizations are treated less harshly than conventional offenders when it comes time for judges to impose sentencing. It seems that, although they can ruin more lives at one time than a street criminal can, they are given a higher status because they have power. Judicial empathy, a fear of the broad social consequences that go with harsh corporate sanctions, and the respectability of the offenders get offered up as possible explanations for the leniency. #RandolphHarris 9 of 20

Convicted white-collar criminals face a 36 percent chance of going to prison. This compares to incarceration rates of 53 percent for those nonviolent street crimes and 80 percent among convicted violent offenders. If convicted, white-collar offenders can generally expect to do less time than street offenders. The Federal Bureau of Prisons show the average time served for a robbery, larceny, and burglary was 46.5, 18.3, and 17.9 months, respectively. For fraud, embezzlement, and income tax evasion, the figures dropped to 13.6, 11.4, and 10.3 months, respectively. Almost half of all white-collar defendants are sentenced to less than 1 year behind bars. Governmental regulators and court officials often seek to levy fines and restitution as penalties against corporate and white-collar offenders. For example, we found that 89 percent of the corporate defendants who were convicted in federal court received some sort of fine. Another 16 percent were ordered to pay restitution, and 19 percent were ordered to make civil or some other sort of payment. Here again, however, corporate offenders are often able to sidestep the system by managing to have their cases subject to regulatory review as opposed to criminal prosecution. In our review of thirty-six of the most notorious acts of corporate and governmental violence from the past century (everything from the three Mile Island radiation leak to the Corvair and Pinto cases the plagued the automobile industry) reveals that, in the end, corporate violators almost always receive what can only be characterized as a slap on the wrist. #RandolphHarris 10 of 20

Civil litigation is the most frequently imposed form of formal social control that gets meted out against corporate, state, professional, and individual-level offenders. These cases can be brought to bear against violators by individuals, groups of individuals (id est, class-action suits), governmental regulators, or other organizational entities. We observed that, in almost every case, the plaintiff is severely outgunned by highly paid and knowledgeable corporate lawyers. More often than note, the defendant has vast resources and political power to mobilize on its behalf. In light of this bleak picture, numerous scholars and policy makers have proposed alternative means of formal social control that might be directed toward organizational crimes and criminals. We have proposed a form of “organizational probation.” This would involve the use of “occupation incapacitation” in which convicted offenders would be removed from the corporate or market environment in which they habitually offended. There is also a call for increased criminalization of corporate and individual-level misconduct. Some even endorse the use of community service and point-by-point monitoring as a means of achieving “corporate rehabilitation.” There is also a proposed punishment called “corporate dissolution,” whereby corporate entities would be held responsible for the crimes of their employees (if it could be shown that the corporation benefited from or endorsed the crimes).  Informal social control efforts directed at crimes within complex organizations are diverse in nature but generally ineffectively implemented. #RandolphHarris 11 of 20

We often allow corporations, industries, or profession to self-regulate themselves. This is generally accomplished through the development and use of codes of ethics and internal oversight entities (review boards, investigators, and the like). Th sad reality is that profit motives and self-preservation usually get in the way of these efforts. Other advocate the use of shame and embarrassment techniques as a means of informational social control. It is encouraged that organizational entities develop and maintain “corporate case law” that would allow them to counsel repeated offenders into compliance without having to rely on threatening and ineffective external sources of control. Still there are people that advocate a structured transformation of organizations that would guide and encourage “whistleblowers” to come forward with information. We should enlist the research capabilities of the National White Collar Crime Center (a hybrid academic-political agency) to study the diverse phenomena and formulate more effective alternative policies. Most jurisdictions have in place specific statutory provisions that outlaw tampering with witness, informants, physical evidence, and/or public records information. Even in modern countries where a well-functioning institution and apparatus of government-provided law exists, economic—or, indeed, non-economic—disputes do not immediately lead to litigation. Recourse to the law is often the last resort, not the first one. People attempt to resolve their disputes using various private methods of negotiation, and only if these fail do they go to courts. #RandolphHarris 12 of 20

In the context of business, this idea goes back at least as far as Macaulay (1963). Williamson (1996, pp. 10, 122), citing previous legal scholars, says that business people “speak of ‘cancelling the other’ rather than “breaching our contract’,” and that contracts and courts are “a norm of ultimate appeal when the relations cease in fact to work.” In matters of personal relationships, too, less and 10 percent of divorce are contested in court. All of this had led to the concept of private ordering in the shadow of the law. An obvious explanation for the persistence of such private ordering is that resolution of disputes using the formal machinery of state law is far from costless; in fact it costs especially times costs, often exceeded those of alternative methods of private ordering. Sometimes formal law may yield outcomes that are worse for all parties than can private ordering. Therefore the outcome that the parties expect to obtain in the court (net of the costs of using the court system) becomes a backstop or threat point to private negotiation. Long-term relationships and arbitration are the most common modes of private ordering. Long-term relationships can be self-enforcing for reasons familiar from the theory of repeated games: the immediate gains from behaving opportunistically can be offset by future losses, because the opportunism leads to a collapse of the relationship and therefore to lower future payoffs. However, now we have another possibility. #RandolphHarris 13 of 20

The relationship need not collapse completely; it can be replaced by one based on formal contracts and court enforcement. This is still costly and therefore serves to deter opportunism in the original ongoing relationship. However, the cost may be less than that of a total breakdown of interaction. Correspondingly, the deterrence effect falls short of the level possible when total breakdown is the only alternative. Thus availability of court enforcement may, in a seeming paradox, reduce the extent of good behavior that can be sustained in the long-term relationship. The official law can interfere with a long-term relationship in another way, namely by agreeing to hear a case filed by one of the parties in such a relationship attempting to overturn an adverse outcome in the implicit contract. However, courts often recognize the merits of implicit contracting in long-term relationships like employment, and refuse to hear such cases. This is the doctrine of forbearance. Private arbitration can have cost advantages over the government’s courts, but perhaps more importantly, it can have information advantages and therefore provide dispute resolution of higher quality. Arbitration forums specialize by industry, geographic region, and so on, in the range of disputes they take up. They acquire expertise in their special areas. They can adopt procedures and rules of evidence that suit their specific concerns. State courts must stand ready to consider all matters that could arise under the law, and although some attempt can be made to assign cases to judges on the basis of their expertise, the rules and procedures must remain the same for all cases. #RandolphHarris 14 of 20

For these reasons, arbitrators are better able to obtain, interpret, and use information pertinent to the dispute than are the state courts. Arbitrators lack the coercive powers of the state and therefore cannot ensure compliance with their verdicts. However, as with long-term relationships, the government’s courts often recognize the advantages of arbitration for governance of particular classes of transactions. Then they accept the arbitrator’s verdict and will not agree to rehear the issue. This is formalized in USA laws and in international agreements. Given this shadow of the law, if one party refuses to comply with the arbitrator’s verdict, the other can enlist the help of the courts for enforcement. A specific historical institution, namely the lex mercatoria or merchants law was developed in medieval Europe. Many principles developed by the private judges or adjudicators of the law merchant were later taken over by the state’s law. However, private adjudicators lack the incentives to supply the public good of principles and precedent, so we expect it to be underprovided. So much is written about the substitution of computerized equipment for human labour that we often ignore the ways in which it also substitutes for capital. Indeed, in a sense knowledge is far greater long-term threat to the power of finance than are organized labour or anticapitalist political parties. For, relatively speaking, the information revolution is reducing the need for capital per unit of output in a capitalist economy. Nothing could be more revolutionary. Vittorio Merloni is a businessman. Ten percent of all washing machines, refrigerators and other major household appliances sold in Europe are made by Mr. Merloni’s company. His main competitors are Electrolux of Sweden and Philips of Holland. #RandolphHarris 15 of 20

According to Mr. Merloni, “we need less capital now to do the same thing” that required more capital in the past. “This means that a poor country can be much better off today with the same amount of capital than five or ten years ago.” The reason, he says, is that knowledge-based technologies are reducing the capital needed to produce dishwashers, stoves or vacuum cleaners. To begin with, information substitutes for high-cost inventory, according to Mr. Merloni. By speeding the responsiveness of the factory to the market and making short runs economical, better and more instantaneous information makes it possible to reduce the amount of components and finished goods sitting in warehouses or railroad sidings. Mr. Merloni at one point cut a startling sixty percent from his inventor costs. Mr. Merloni’s case has been duplicated by every major company in the United States of America, Japan and Germany as just-in-time delivery of parts, based on computerized information, is slashing inventories everywhere. Cuts in inventory, of course, not only translate back into the smaller space and real estate costs mentioned earlier, but also into reduced taxes, insurance and overhead. Even though the initial cost of computers, software, information and telecommunications may itself be high, Mr. Merloni says the overall saving means that his company needs less capital to do the same job that it did in the past. Michael Milken, who for better or worse knows a thing or two about investment, has summed it up in six words: “Human capital has replaced dollar capital.” #RandolphHarris 16 of 20

Because it reduces the need for raw materials, labour, time, space, capital, and other inputs, knowledge becomes the ultimate substitute—the central resource of an advanced economy. Ans as this happens, its value soars. To elevate living standards in America, we need to increase international and domestic consumption of American made products. One way to do this, is by getting the nation back under control. America needs to again become a nation of law in order and have a serious President so people will look at Americans as sane and as leaders. Then we need to help Americans achieve the American Dream of home ownership, so other nations will want to emulate the American lifestyle and buy American cars and trucks and other American made products because they are trendy and represent sophistication and class. There is a noticeable trend in the family law which deals with the authority of husband over wide, and of parents over children. The trend, of course, is toward greater freedom and equality for wives and children, and greater restriction upon the authority of husband or parents to dispose of the person or property of dependents. Compulsory education laws, laws restricting employment of minors, laws limiting the degree of physical violence which may be practiced upon one’s closet kind, often monitored by private humane societies, are of quite recent emergence, and are still being extended, along with appropriate inspection and enforcement agencies such as state licensing of boarding homes, nursery schools, and camps. #RandolphHarris 17 of 20

For those to whom the family is a means to personal development, new horizons of emancipation remain to be achieved. Greater freedom and equality for women is being followed by a reduction of the voting age. Political efforts to pass laws to protect working women from special occupational hazards have been followed by agitation to dissolve the remaining barriers to their entering any occupation of their choice. The question of being leads to finitude which, in turn, leads to the question of God. The existence of God cannot be taken literally. God, the ground of being, is not found within the World of existing beings. Nor can existence be predicated of him, since it means an actual state of distorted being and of disruptive tensions. God does nor exist. He is being-itself beyond essence and existence. Therefore, to argue that God exists is to deny him. To make the World the data and God the conclusion is to derive God from the World. The argument for God’s existence is the expression of the question of God which is implied in human finitude. The worth of the so-called ontological and moral arguments (Augustine, Anselm, Kant) lies in this, that they provide a description of the way in which potential infinite is present in actual finitude. Man has a prior awareness of God that enables him to asked about the infinite from which he is separated, about the source of his courage to face anxiety. The truth of the ontological and moral argument is the acknowledgement of the unconditional element in the structure of reason and reality. They reveal n awareness of God which renders possible the question of God. #RandolphHarris 18 of 20

The cosmological and teleological arguments cannot prove the existence of a highest being, but they describe the threat of non-being, the ontological anxiety that drives man to ask the question of God. The cosmological argument is based on the categories of finitude. It seeks to the “eternal now” in which time and space are affirmed and overcome, the “ground of being” in which cause and substances are rooted and conquered. The teleological argument asks for the ultimate meaning of the ontological polarities and tensions. However, seeking is not finding, and to ask is not to receive. The cosmological and teleological arguments portray the inevitability and necessity of the question of God just as the ontological and moral arguments show its possibility. The ontological analysis began with the question being, and it ends with the question of God. How is He the answer to being? God is being-itself. Negatively, this means that God is not a being, not even the highest being, alongside other beings. Positively, it means that God is the ground of being or the power of being. He is beyond essence and existence because as being-itself He does not participate in nonbeing and finitude. He does not exist; He is. Counterfeits of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost Spirit are recognizable by the manifestations being given to the senses, id est, in the physical realm. For the true indwelling of God is in the shrine of the spirit alone; and the soul vessel, or personality of the self-actualized, is purely a vehicle for the expression of Christ, who is enthroned within by His Spirit; while the body, quickened by the same Spirit, is governed by God from the central depths of the human spirit, through the self-control of the man acting by his renewed will. #RandolphHarri 19 of 20

The counterfeit presence of God is given by psychopathological offenders working upon the physical frame, or within the bodily frame but upon the senses. We have seen the beginning of this, and how the first ground is grained. Control is advanced by these same-manifestations being repeated, ever so gently, so that the man goes on yielding to them, thinking this is truly “communion with God”—for believers too often look upon communion with God as a thing of sense, rather than of spirit. So one starts praying to psychopathological offenders under the belief that one is praying to God. The self-control is not yet lost, but as the believer responds to or gives oneself up to these “conscious” manifestations, one does not realize that one’s will power is being slowly undermined. At last, though these subtle, delicious experiences, a conviction is established that God Himself is in possession of the body, quickening with it felt thrills of life, or filling in with warmth and heart, or even with “agonies” which seems like fellowship with the sufferings of Christ and His travail for souls, or the experience of death with Christ in the consciousness of nails being driven into the bodily frame, et cetera. From this point the lying spirits can work as they will, and there is no limit as to what they may do to one who is deceived to this extent. Counterfeit manifestations of the divine life in various modes now follow quickly; movements in the body, pleasant thrills, touches, a glow as of fire in different parts of the body; or sensations of cold, shaking, and tremblings—all of which are accepted as from God. Psychopathological offenders work by sudden suggestions—which is not the ordinary working of the mind but suggestions which come without—“flashes of memory,” again not the ordinary working of the memory but thoughts coming from without; touches and twitches of the nerves; feelings of a draft and sensations of wind blowing upon the area round about, et cetera. #RandolphHarris 20 of 20

Cresleigh Havenwood

No appointment needed! Cresleigh Havenwood features four distinct floor plans ranging from 2,293 – 3,377 square feet and offering up to five bedrooms.  Each plan has been thoughtfully designed and includes great features such as single story homes, guest suites, optional offices, garage workshops, and more! Get the most out of your new home with Cresleigh’s All Ready smart home featuring all the connectivity needed to keep your house running. Best of all, each Cresleigh home comes with owned solar included! 

Located off of Virginiatown Road and McCourtney Road, residents of the 83 homesites of Cresleigh Havenwood will benefit from a brand new neighborhood in the charming City of Lincoln. Palo Verde Park, is  just down the street and there’s plenty of recreation to take part in all around town. 

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