The close fabric of economic relations is regulated by money, the abstract expression of work—that is to say, we receive different quantities of the same for different quantities for different qualities; and we give money for what we receive—again exchanging only different quantities for different qualities. Many people think that those who have acquired nice things are lucky, but this is generally not the case. It is called capitalism. People work hard, earn money, and buy the things they like. Generally, the only people who claim to not like capitalism are lazy people because they do not want to work for the things they want. They would rather become jealous, remain unindustrious, and have wealth redistributed so they can afford to have nice things. Practically nobody, with the exception of the farm population, could live for even a few days without receiving and spending money, which stands for the abstract quality of concrete work. The Second Wave created mass societies that reflected and require mass production. In Third Wave, brain-based economies, mass production (which could almost be considered the defining mark of industrial society) is already and outmoded form. De-massified production—short runs of highly customized products—is the new cutting edge of manufacture. Mass marketing gives way to market segmentation and “particle marketing,” paralleling the change in production. Old industrial-style behemoths collapse of their own mass and face destruction. Labor unions in the mass manufacturing sector shrink. #RandolphHarris 1 of 18

The mass media are de-massified in parallel with production, and giant TV net works shrivel as new channels proliferate. The family system, too, becomes de-massified: the nuclear family, once the modern standard, becomes a minority form while single-parent households, remarried couples, childless families and live-alones proliferate. The entire structure of society, therefore, changes as the homogeneity of Second Wave society is replaced by the heterogeneity of Third Wave civilization. Massification gives way to de-massification. In turn, the very complexity of the new system requires more and more information exchanges among its units—companies, government agencies, hospitals, associations, other institutions, even individuals. This creates a ravenous need for computers, digital telecommunications networks and new media. Simultaneously, the pace of technological change, transactions and daily life speeds up. In fact, Third Wave economies operate at speeds so accelerated that their premodern suppliers can barely keep pace. Moreover, as information increasingly substitutes for bulk raw materials, labor and other resources, Third Wave countries become less dependent on First Wave or Second Wave partners, except for markets. More and more they do business with each other. Eventually, their highly capitalized, knowledge-based technology will take over many tasks now done by the countries with affordable labor and actually to them faster, better—and more inexpensively. #RandolphHarris 2 of 18

These changes threaten to slash many of the existing economic links between the rich economies and the less affluent. Complete de-coupling is impossible. It is not possible to stop pollution, disease and immigration from penetrating the borders of the Third Wave countries. Tensions between the Third Wave civilization and the two older forms of civilizations will continue to rise, and the new civilization may well fight to establish global hegemony, just as Second Wave modernizers did with respect to the First Wave premodern societies in centuries past. Noce this concept of the clash of civilizations is grasped, it helps us make sense of many seemingly odd phenomena—today’s flaring nationalism, for instance. Nationalism is the ideology of the nation-state, which is a product of the industrial revolution. Thus, as First Wave, or agrarian, societies seek to start or complete their industrialization, they demand the trappings of nationhood. Former Soviet republics like the Ukraine or Estonia or Georgia fiercely insist on self-determination, and demand yesterday’s marks of modernity—the flags, armies and currencies that defined the nation-state during the Second Wave, or industrial, era. It is hard for may in the high-tech World to comprehend the motivations of ultra-nationalists. Their puffed-up patriotism strikes many as amusing. It calls to mind the land of Freedonia in the Marx Brothers’ movie Duck Soup, which satirized national superiority as two fictional nations went to war. #RandolphHarris 3 of 18

By contrast, it is incomprehensible to nationalists how some countries allow others to invade their sacred independence. Yet the “globalization” of business and finance required by the advancing Third Wave economies routinely punctures the national “sovereignty” the new nationalists hold so dear. As economies are transformed by the Third Wave, they are compelled to surrender part of their sovereignty and to accept increasing economic and cultural intrusions from one another. Thus, while poets and intellectuals of economically backward regions write national anthems, poets and intellectuals of Third Wave states sing the virtues of a “borderless” World and “planetary consciousness.” The resulting collisions, reflecting the sharply differing needs of two radically different civilizations, could provoke some of the worst bloodshed in the years to come. If today’s redivision of the World from two into three parts seems less than obvious right ow, it is simply because the transition from Second Wave brute-force economies to Third Wave brain-force economies is nowhere yet complete. Even in the United States of America, Japan and Europe, the domestic battle for control between Third and Second Wave elites is still not over. Important Second Wave institutions and sectors of production still remain, and Second Wave political lobbies still cling to power. The “mix” of Second and Third Wave elements in each high tech country gives each its own characteristic “formation.” Nevertheless, the trajectories are clear. #RandolphHarris 4 of 18

The globally competitive race will be won by the countries that complete their Third Wave transformation with the least amount of domestic dislocation and unrest. In the meantime, the historic change from a bisected to a trisected World could well trigger the deepest power struggles on the planet, as each country tries to position itself in the emerging three-tiered power structure. Behind this monumental reallocation of power lies a change in the role, significance and nature of knowledge. As far as the global economy rebalancing is concerned, this is not the end of the story. The global downturn years brought an important change: as export dwindled, a greater part of the made-in-America consumer products stater to be sold domestically. Real private consumption is at 53 percent. American is going through a resurgence of private consumption growth. Since March 2020, we have all learned more about supply chains and global trade than we ever expected. We understand better than ever how the global supply chain affects what shows up on our shelves—or what does not (like toilet paper, bleach, soap, building materials and automobile parts, and the microchip shortage). Although sourcing supplies for lower-cost regions of the World seems to make sense, it can cause Americans to lose their jobs and businesses, and leaves us vulnerable to shutdowns, lockdowns, and shortages. This visibility has heightened awareness and lead to a shift of consumer preference that has made people become more patriotic. Consumers are willing to pay up to 20 percent more for goods made in the USA. This is true for consumer goods as well as business-to-business and industrial purchases. #RandolphHarris 5 of 18

In addition, many people believe that buying America is part of supporting the American heritage and that USA-made goods are superior. Of course, our shift toward buying American comes after a nearly 30-year cycle of demand for lower-cost goods that pushed production from the United States of America into lower-cost regions of the World. This cycle is shifting back to USA soil as people realize that the ultimate cost can damage the national economy. It could perhaps even risk our position of power and influence in the World. For every $1 invested in USA manufacturing, $1.81 in value is generated in return. Manufacturers contribute $2.17 trillion to the national economy—over 12 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP), or the measure of the market value of the country’s output of products and services. Manufacturing also supports more than 40 million jobs in the USA. What funds this activity? Demand from consumers—and when we buy American and buy local, we are creating more demand for goods manufactured right here. Small businesses also have an enormous collective power. In fact, together US-based small businesses generate $4.8 trillion in gross domestic product (GDP)—making them equivalent to the third-largest economy in the World. Buying products made in America comes with a sense of fulfillment. Many people say that they feel great satisfaction knowing that they are behind a product that makes people’s lives easier and contributes to our national and local economy. #RandolphHarris 6 of 18

Families ascending from low to middle-income bracket are usually increasing their consumption at the highest pace. Since hundreds of millions of American households have more consumer power, this wave will continue for decades to come, enabling America to grow even in times when we face a recession. According to functionalist theory, prostitution exists because it serves several important functions for society generally and for certain people in society. It provides a source of income for many people who otherwise might be jobless, and it provides a sexual alternative for men with motivations. Nearly one hundred years ago, sociologist Dr. Kingsley Davis wrote that prostitution even lowers the divorce rate. Because prostitution is generally impersonal, these john and janes do not usually fall in love with their prostitutes, and their marriages are not threatened. According to conflict theory, prostitution reflects the economic inequality in society. Many less affluent people feel compelled to become prostitutes because of their lack of money; because wealthier people have many other sources of income, the idea of becoming a prostitute is something they may only do for fun and a lot of money. Sad but interesting historical support for this view comes from an increase in prostitution in the second half of the nineteenth century. Many women lost husbands and boyfriends in the war and were left penniless. Lacking formal education and living in a society that at the time offered few job opportunities to women, many of these bereaved women were forced to turn to prostitution to feed their families and themselves. #RandolphHarris 7 of 18

The prostitute-as-victim and prostitute-as-survivor identifications were made possible by the dissolving of the symbolic boundaries between “normal” and “abnormal” men so that all men with whom the respondents had (or might have) a relationship with became both (i) boyfriends and potential pimps; and (ii) ordinary men doing what comes naturally and abnormal dangerous men. The meanings for “men,” “violence” and “danger” were fused together so that all men became “risky,” “dangerous” (in the sense of individuals who threatened the women’s overall social, material and, occasionally, physical safety) and/or “suspect” (in the sense of individuals could not be trusted). This meant that the women were unable to take anything in their relationship with men for granted, at the same time as necessarily having to recognize and ignore the potential threats and risks inherent in their relations with men in order to continue with their day-to-day lives. The conflation of men with danger is most evident in the women’s talk about “pimps” who posed the specific threat of violence and financial exploitation. Earlier it was noted that the term “pimp” was used by the women in three distinct ways. Until this point, the term pimp has been used as a descriptive label. However, “pimps” also occupied a crucial and pivotal symbolic space in that the term was used in an imaginary fashion to represent the archetypal dangers of involvement in prostitution. At various points in all the narratives, the respondents separated “pimps” from boyfriends. #RandolphHarris 8 of 18

“Pimps” were sadistically violent men who would rape, kidnap, and entrap women, taking all their money from whom there was no escape, no resistance, no sanctuary. In the construction of this symbolic category, the women drew on discourses of criminal men which situated such men as “outsiders” in relation to ordinary morality and on discourses of masculinity which essentialized male violence so that “pimps” were constructed as men who are always and already violent. Hence, Helena (age 35) was able to comment: “Pimps are not like other men. They ain’t got no heart. They only ever want money.” Similarly, Anna (aged 36): “After I killed my [pimp], I realized that it weren’t really his fault that he was like that. [Like what?] Well, raping me and beating up on me, making me have sex with dogs and sh*t, taking all my money. Some men are just like that. I think it’s in their nature. The one thing I’ve learned is that you gotta steer clear of [pimps]. It’s just too dangerous to get involved with them.” (Anna, aged 36.) And yet, the distinction between “pimps” and other men (and especially other men as boyfriends) was also dissolved. Part of the set of meanings in which men represented “risk” was an understanding of men as being “suspect” (id est not trustworthy). Boyfriends were especially suspect because the women could never trust or be sure that the individual boyfriend they were involved with was not, in fact, a pimp. In other words, there was a notable construction of all partners with whom the women had relationships as being also (at least potentially) pimps. #RandolphHarris 9 of 18

Witness the following: “You gotta watch having boyfirneds, coz he’ll [pimp] ya if you’re not careful. In the end you think, boyfriend, [pimp], boyfriend, [pimp], what’s the difference? All boyfriends will [pimp] you in the end.” (Barbara, age 24.) Boyfriends became potential pimps, the respondents believed, because of the women’s engagement in prostitution. The women believed that they turned their boyfriends into pimps by being willing to share their money with them. “…it was my fault that he turned into my [pimp]. I’d give him money. I mean, he started getting violence, coz he started to want more and he was spending all my money on drink and drugs. I completely changed him.” (Michelle, aged 33.) At the same time as dissolving the boundary between boyfriends and pimps, the above extract (and others like it) demonstrate that the women also resurrected that boundary. Boyfriends became pimps when they got “greedy.” Put another way, for many interviewees, the difference between boyfriends and pimps was not a matter of economics or economic exploitation because they understood all relationships as having an exchange of money (and not necessarily an equal sharing of the total resources of the couple). Rather, the difference was whether or not the women believed that their boyfriends were taking more money than they were “due.” The simultaneously expressed prostitute-as-victim and prostitute-as-survivor identifications were made possible by a restructuring of the meanings of men and violence wherein men came to represent risk. Within such a symbolic landscape, the interviewees were able to construct their relationships with john, boyfriends and pimps as being risky and, therefore, were able to locate themselves as victims and survivors of these relationships. #RandolphHarris 10 of 18

Moreover, the men-as-risk symbolic landscape permitted the women to tell contradictory stories of engagement in prostitution as being both a specific form of victimization and a means to survive once the battle had been won. Women’s engagement in prostitution cannot be understood without a recognition of their material conditions and how those conditions give shape to a particular and necessary reordering of the meanings of men, money, and violence. When women’s accounts are analyzed the question that arises is how their stories, which appear to lack a coherent rationale, can make sense. To his end, the symbolic level, the contradictions of prostitution are resolved into a calm unity of coherent thought via the symbolic strategies by which the women were located as workers and commodified bodies, as business women and loving partners and as victims and survivors (and the shifting meaning of men, money, and violence that underpinned those strategies). This is why people do not allow their kids to listen to certain kind of music, as it makes people think that violence and violence towards women and sexual immorality is acceptable. At a young age, one may take that perspective as gospel. Therefore, it is advised for parents to screen the media that their children are consuming in effort to prevent them from becoming abusers or victims. Youth do not yet have a firm grip on what it means to be an adult and we want them to grow up to be good citizens, honest, and hardworking. The goal is to make the youth successful, not prime them to spend life in prison. #RandolphHarris 11 of 18

Because so many people have a mistaken idea about the location of God—used by psychopathological offenders as the groundwork for manifestations which seem to support this concept—have come about the delusions of believers during past ages, and in recent years, who assert themselves to be “Christ.” On the same premise will come about the great deception at the end of the age, foretold by the Lord in Matthew 24.24, of the “false Christs” and false prophets; and the “I am the Christ” claim by leaders of groups of side-tracked believers, and the thousands of others who have been sent to asylums even though not truly monomaniacs. The psychopathological offender’s richest harvest is from the effects of one’s counterfeits; and unwittingly, many sober and faithful teachers of “holiness” have assisted them n their deceptions through the use of language which gives a materialistic idea of spiritual things, and which is eagerly laid hold of by the natural mind. Those who locate God personally and wholly in themselves, by their assertions, practically “divine” persons. God is not wholly in any man or woman. He dwells in those who receive Him, by His own Spirit communicated to them. “God is Spirit,” and mind and body cannot hold communion with spirit. Sensuous feelings, or “conscious” physical enjoyment of some supposed spiritual presence, is not true communion of spirit with Spirit, such as the Father seeks from those who worship Him (john 4.24). #RandolphHarris 12 of 18

God is in Heaven. Christ the Glorified Man is in Heaven. The location of the God we worship is of supreme importance. If we think of our God as in us, and, around us, for our worship and for our “enjoyment,” we unwittingly open the door to the psychological offenders in the atmosphere which surrounds us—instead of our penetrating in spirit through the lower Heavens to the throne of God, which is in the highest Heaven, “above all principality and power,…and every name that is named, not only in this World, but also in that which is to come,” reports Ephesians 1.21. The first ontological concept is that of the basic ontological structure, self and World. The question of being supposes a subject who asks and an object about which one asks. This subject-object structure, in turn, reveals the self-World structure of being. Man occupies the dominant position in ontology, for, although every being shares in the structure of being, only man is aware of it. Moreover, all levels of being are united in man and can be approached through him. Man experiences himself as a “self,” as being separated in some way from everything else, having everything else opposite one’s self, being able to look at it and to act upon it. At the same time, however, this self is aware that it belongs to that at which it looks. More precisely, man has an ego-self, since his self includes self-consciousness in addition to its subconscious and unconscious basis. By analogy, then, selfhood or self-centeredness is attributed to all beings, organic and inorganic. #RandolphHarris 13 of 18

Man, the ego-self, has a World, a structural which he belongs and which he perceives. The self of every being inferior to man has at least an environment to which it belongs, but which it cannot transcend. Self and World stand in polar relation. The self without a World is empty; the World without a self is dead. The self-World polarity underlies the subject-object structure. It also explains logos. For objective reason is the structured whole of the World, and subjective reason is the structural centeredness of the self. The basic ontological structure is a polarity that cannot be derived, but only accepted. If one asks, “What precedes self and World?”—the answer must come from revelation, for reason stands at the brink of its limits. The transfer of production from the home to the factory is the principal cause for the existence of the family agencies we call economic. Since the Industrial Revolution and until recently there has been a definite distinction between agencies explicitly concerned with the financial or economic welfare of the family and the other general industrial and economic institutions of the community. This distinction has held good except in the case of family farms and businesses. In these, production—even if only for direct consumption—has always been subordinate and instrumental to the welfare of the families who carried it on. The same cannot be said of the new institutions to which most of the productive functions of the family have been transferred. These institutions—corporations in the main—have taken on only limited responsibility for their customers and employees. #RandolphHarris 14 of 18

They pay for goods or services rendered and in turn supply goods and services in return for payment. If it is asserted that the efficiency of corporations ultimately leads to the greater welfare of families, it has also been asserted that the welfare of families, at least of employees, has often been subordinated to the efficiency of corporations. Empirically, the gains and losses to families have to be calculated not just in economic terms, but in such noneconomic values as health, education, recreation, and family solidarity. As mentioned earlier, the task of economic family agencies is largely to make up for deficiencies in family resources caused by industrialization. The major problem, of course, has been the maintenance of income. The extreme division of labor and the commercialization or economic activity has made each family extremely dependent on the continuous and regular receipt of income. The paycheck of the family wage-earner is the nexus between the family and most of the other institutions of the community. If this vital tie is broken, the results are potentially disastrous. And become it is frequently broken, due to age, unemployment, layoff, sickness, accident, or business failure, many family agencies have arisen to repair the break or remedy some of the consequences. #RandolphHarris 15 of 18

The development of family agencies devoted to income maintenance closely follows our three stages of social policy, but it can usefully be elaborated into five: the situation in which family resources are inadequate to meet sporadic severe demands on income, and where the family through banking and lending agencies, engages in saving and borrowing to level out the peaks and valleys of income receipt; the situation in which reciprocity on either a neighborly or commercial basis is inadequate, and necessary minimum assistance is given unilaterally and more or less philanthropically by charitable agencies; the situation in which agencies make efforts to rehabilitate the earning power in individual cases of economic breakdown; the situation in which a degree of reciprocity and co-operative self-help is restored through insurance schemes; and the situation in which comprehensive community action so organizes economic relations that the continuous receipet of an adequate income in which comprehensive community action so organizes economic relations that the continuous receipt of an adequate income is assured to all families, save the most disabled. In this elaboration, the first and last stages of our earlier three-stage sequence have been broken down into two stages. While the social policy on family income maintenance has evolved in these five stages, all these stages have in some form endured to the present. These stages could thus alternatively be construed as types of family agencies which grew in response to different family situations and needs. #RandolphHarris 16 of 18

At the fifth stage, what action there has been thus far has largely been limited to a selected public. The incomes of some groups have been raised through a redistribution of income among workers and employers. On the private side, of course, this had meant such agencies as unions and producer cooperatives; on the public side, it has lead to minimum wage legislation like the Fair Labor Standards Act of the federal government, or the minimum wage orders affecting service industries in certain states. The five-year General Motors-United Auto Worker contract represented recognition of the corporation’s responsibility for the maintenance and steady enhancement of the standard of living of employee families, and of the union’s responsibility for a continuous contribution to the productivity of the corporation. So far measures for the enhancement of income have been carried on independently of measures for its stabilization at a minimum level; minimum income levels have been considered a palliative rather than an ideal. Corporation-union contracts, for example, furnish new examples as et of full acceptance of responsibility for continuity of employment or income. The most impressive exception is the postwar establishment of employee pensions in industry. Nonetheless, stability at a high level (the guaranteed annual wage) had been stated s a future objective, if not an immediate goal. Moreover, without fanfare or formal acceptance of responsibility, every economic institution is steadily transferring a higher proportion of its personnel to a salaried status. #RandolphHarris 17 of 18

If and when the major of family breadwinners achieve the security and predictability of salaried positions, they will not only have left behind much of necessity for present day ameliorative schemes for assuring minimum income during adversity, but they will have entered upon an economic way of life superior by far to the security offered by the most self-sufficient of family farms. If and when that state of affairs comes to be, then our current distinction between family agencies and nonresponsible other economic institutions will have become in part irrelevant. On the other hand, each year that passes more fully deprives the traditional family of a major function that as yet no other agency fills with assurance; that is its role in vocational guidance and training. On the family far or in small businesses, the normal course was doe the heirs of the family to carry it on. Their vocational choice was so gradually assumed for earliest years that they had no sense of a ack of freedom; they could observe and learn all the habits and ways of work with minimum effort. However, now inheritance of an occupation is the privilege of a decreasing minority, and even these frequently feel a sense of conflict about stepping into paternal shoes. Preparation for a career involves the development of a vocational identity, a commitment and an education. This calls for much more than is supplied by employment exchanges and guidance bureaus. No simple counseling job referrals can handle the problem; it is a task for social engineering. #RandolphHarris 18 of 18

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