As machines grow more human, we must be weary that we do not become less so. The businessmen, intellectuals, and revolutionaries of the early industrial period were virtually mesmerized by machinery. They were fascinated by steam engines, clocks, looms, pumps, and pistons, and they constructed endless analogies based on the simple mechanistic technologies of their time. It was no accident that man like Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson were scientists and inventors as well as political revolutionaries. They grew up in the churning culture wake of Sir Isaac Newton’s great discoveries. Newton had searched the Heavens and concluded the entire Universe was a giant clockwork operating with exact mechanical regularity. La Mettrie, the French physician and philosopher, in 1748 declared man himself to be a machine. Adam Smith later extended the analogy of the machine to economic, arguing that the economy is a system and that system “in many respects resembles machines.” James Madison, in describing the debates that led to the United States Constitution, spoke of the need to “remodel” the “system,” to change the “structure” of political power, and to choose officials through “successive filtrations.” The Constitution itself was filled with “checks and balances” like the inner work of a giant clock. Jefferson spoke of the “machinery of government.” American political thinking continued to reverberate with the sound of flywheels, chains, gears, check and balances. Thus Martin Van Buren invented the “political machine” and eventually New York City has its Tweed machine, Tennessee it Crump machines, New Jersey its Hague machine. #RandolphHarris 1 of 20

Generations of American politicians, right down to the present, prepared political “blueprints,” “engineered elections,” “steam-rollered” or “railroaded” bills through Congress and the state legislatures. In the nineteenth century in Britain, Lord Cromer conceived of an imperial government that would “ensure the harmonious working of the different parts of the machine.” Nor was this mechanistic mentality a produce of capitalism. Lenin, for example, described the state as “nothing more than a machine used by the capitalist to suppress the workers.” Trotsky spoke of “all the wheels and screws of the bourgeois social mechanism” and went on to describe the function of a revolutionary party in similarly mechanical phrases. Terming it a powerful “apparatus,” he pointed out that “as with any mechanism this is in itself static…the movement of the masses has…to overcome dead inertia…Thus, the living force of steam has to overcome the inertia of the machine before it can set the flywheel in motion.” Drenched in such mechanistic thinking, imbued with an almost blind faith in the power and efficiency of machines, the revolutionary founds of Second Wave societies, whether capitalist or socialist, not surprisingly invented political institutions that shared many of the characteristics of early industrial machines. The structures they hammered and bolted together were based on the elemental notion of representation. And in every country they made use of certain standard parts. These components came out of what might be called, only half facetiously, a universal represento-kit. #RandolphHarris 2 of 20

The components were: Individuals armed with the vote, parties for collecting votes, candidates who, by winning votes, were instantly transformed into “representatives” of the voters, legislatures (parliaments, diets, congress, bundestages, or assemblies) in which, by voting, representatives manufactured laws, executives (presidents, prime ministers, party secretaries) who fed raw materials into the lawmaking machine in the form of policies, and then enforced the resulting laws. Votes were the “atom” of Newtonian mechanism. Votes were aggregated by parties, which served as the “manifold” of the system. They gathered votes from many sources and fed the into the electoral adding machine, which blended them in proportion to party strength or mixture, producing as its output the “will of the people”—the basic fuel that supposedly powered the machinery of government. The parts of this kit were combined and manipulated in different ways in different places. In some places everyone over the age of twenty-one was permitted to vote; elsewhere only Caucasian males were enfranchised; in one country the entire process was merely a façade for control by a dictator; in another the elected officials actually wielded considerable power. Here there were two parties, there a multiplicity of parties, elsewhere only one. Nevertheless, the historical pattern is clear. However the parts might be modified or configured, this same basic kit was used in constructing the formal political machinery of all industrial nations. #RandolphHarris 3 of 20

Even though Communists frequently attacked “bourgeois democracy” and “parliamentarianism” as a mask for privilege, arguing that the mechanisms were usually manipulated by the capitalist class for its own private gain, all socialist industrial nations installed similar representational machines as soon as possible. While holding forth a promise of “direct democracy” in some far-off post-representational era, they relied heavily in the meantime on “socialist representative institutions.” The Hungarian Communist Otto Bihari, in a study of these institutions, writes, “in the course of election the will of the working people makes its influence felt in the governmental organs called to life by voting.” The editor of Pravada, V.G. Afanasyev, in his book The Scientific Management of Society defines “democratic centralism” as including “the sovereign power of the working people…the election of governing bodies and leaders and their accountability to the people.” Just as the factory came to symbolize the entire industrial techno-sphere, representative government (no matter how denatured) became the status symbol of every “advanced” nation. Indeed, even many non-industrial nations—under pressure from colonizers or through blind imitation—rushed to install the same formal mechanisms and used the same universal represento-kit. Nor were these “democracy machines” restricted to the national level. They were installed at state, provincial, and local levels as well, right down to the town or village council. Today in the United States of America alone there are at least some five-hundred thousand elected public officials and 85,000 local governmental units in metropolitan areas, each with its own elections, representative bodies, and election procedures.  #RandolphHarris 4 of 20

Thousands of these representational machines are creaking and grinding away in nonmetropolitan regions, and tens of thousands more around the World. In Swiss cantons and French departments, in the counties of Britain and the provinces of Canada, in the vivodships of Poland and the republics of Russia, in Singapore and Haifa, Osaka, and Oslo, candidates run for office and are magically transmuted into “representatives.” It is safe to say that more than one-hundred thousand of these machines are now manufacturing laws, decrees, regulations, and rules in Second Wave countries alone. Apart from governments as such, virtually all the political parties of industrialism, from extreme right to extreme left, routinely went through the traditional motions of choosing their own leaders by vote. Even contests for precinct-level or local cell leadership typically required some form of election, if only for the ratification of choices made from above. And in many countries the ritual of election became a standard part of the life of all sorts of other organizations, from trade unions and churches to Cub Scout packs. Voting became part of the industrial way of life. In theory, just as each huma being and each vote was a discrete, atomic unit, each of these political units—national, provincial, and local—was also regarded as discrete and atomic. Each had its own carefully defined jurisdiction, its own powers, its own rights and duties. The units were wired together in hierarchical arrangements, from top to bottom, from nation to state or region or local authority. However, as industrialism matured and the economy grew increasingly integrated, decisions taken by each of these political units touched off effects outside its own jurisdiction, thereby causing other political bodies to act in response. #RandolphHarris 5 of 20

A decision by the Diet regarded the Japanese textile industry could influence employment in North Carolina and welfare services in Chicago. A congressional vote to put quotas on foreign automobiles could make additional work for local governments in Nagoya or Turin. Thus while at one time politicians could make a decision without upsetting conditions outside their own neatly defined jurisdiction, this became less and less possible. By the mid-twentieth century, tens of thousands of ostensibly sovereign or independent political authorities, stretching around the planet, were connected to one another through the circuits of the economy, through vastly increased travel, migration, and communication, so that they continually activated and excited one another. The thousands of representational mechanisms built out of components of the represento-kit thus increasingly came to form a single invisible supermachine: a global law factory. Now it remains only for us to see how the levers and control wheels of this global system were manipulated—and by whom. Born of the liberating dreams of Second Wave revolutionaries, representative government was stunning advance over earlier power systems, a technological triumph more striking in its own way than the steam engine or the airplane. Representative government made possible orderly succession without hereditary dynasty. It opened feedback channels between top and bottom in society. It provided an arena in which the differences among various groups could be reconciled peacefully. #RandolphHarris 6 of 20

Tied to majority rule and the idea of one-man/one-vote, it helped the poor and weak to squeeze benefits from the technicians of power who ran the integrational engines of society. For these reasons, the spread of representative governments was, on the whole, a humanizing breakthrough in history. Yet from the very beginning it fell far short of its promise. By no stretch of the imagination was it ever controlled by the people, however defined. Nowhere did it actually change the underlying structure of power in industrial nations—the structure of sub-elites, elites, and super-elites. Indeed, far from weakening control by the managerial elites, the formal machinery of representations became one of the key means of integration by which they maintained themselves in power. Thus elections, quite apart from who won them, performed a powerful cultural function for the elites. To the degree that everyone had a right to vote, elections fostered the illusion of equality. Voting provided a mass ritual of reassurance, conveying to the people the idea that choices were being made systematically, with machine-like regularity, and hence, by implication, rationally. Elections symbolically assured citizens that they were still in command—that they could, in theory at least, dis-elect as well as elect leaders. In both capitalist and socialist countries, these ritual reassurances often proved more important than the actual outcomes of many elections. #RandolphHarris 7 of 20

Integrational elites programmed the political machinery differently in place, controlling the number of parties or manipulating voting eligibility. Yet the electoral ritual—some might say farce—was employed everywhere. The fact that Russia and Eastern European elections routinely produced magical majorities of 99 to 100 percent suggested that the need for reassurance remained at least as strong in the centrally planned societies as in the “free World.” Elections took the steam out of protests from below. Furthermore, despite the efforts of democratic reformers and radicals, the integrational elites retained virtually permanent control of the systems of representative government. Many theories have been advanced to explain why. Most, however, overlook the mechanical nature of the system. If we look at Second Wave political systems with the eyes of an engineer rather than a political scientist, we suddenly are struck by a key factor that generally goes unobserved. Industrial engineers routinely distinguish between two fundamentally different classes of machine: those that function intermittently, otherwise known as “batch-processing” machines, and those that function uninterruptedly, called “continuous-flow” machines. An example of the first is the commonplace punch press. The worker brings a batch of metal plates and feeds them into the machine, one or a few at a time, to stamp them into desired shapes. When the batch is finished the machine stops until a new batch is brought. An example of the second is the oil refinery which, once started up, never stops running. Twenty-four hours a day, oil flows through its pies and tubes and chambers. #RandolphHarris 8 of 20

If we look at the global law factory, with its intermittent voting, we find ourselves face to face with a classical batch processor. The public is allowed to choose between candidates at stipulated times, after which the formal “democracy machine” is switched off again. Contrast this with the continuous flow of influence from various organized interests, pressure groups, and power peddlers. Swarms of lobbyists from corporations and from government agencies, departments, and ministries testify before committees, serve on blue-ribbon panels, attend the receptions and banquets, toast each other with cocktails in Washington or vodka in Moscow, carry information and influence back and forth, and thus affect the decision-making process on a round-the-clock basis. The elites, in short, created a powerful continuous-flow machines to operate alongside (and often at cross purposes with) the democratic batch processor. Only when we see these two machines side by side can we begin to understand how state power was really exercised in the global law factory. So long as they played the representational game, people had at best only intermittent opportunities, through voting, to feed back their approval or disapproval of the government and its actions. The technicians of power, by contrast, influenced those actions continuously. Finally, an even more potent tool for social control was engineered into the very principle of representation. For the mere selection of some people to represent others created new members of the elite. When workers, for example, first fought for the right to organize unions, they were harassed, prosecuted for conspiracy, followed by company spies, or beaten up by police and goon squads. They were outsiders, unrepresented or inadequately represented in the system. #RandolphHarris 9 of 20

Once unions established themselves, they gave rise to a new group of integrators—the labour establishment—whose members rather than simply representing the workers, mediated between them and the elites in business and government. The George Meanys and Georges Seguys of the World, despite their rhetoric, became themselves key members of the integrational elite. The fake union leaders in Russia and Eastern Europe never were anything but technicians of power. In theory, they need to stand for re-election guaranteed that representatives would stay honest and would continue to speak for those they represented. Nowhere, however, did this prevent the absorption of representatives into the architecture of power. Everywhere the gap widened between the representative and the represented. Representative government—what we have been taught to call democracy—was, in short, an industrial technology for assuring inequality. Representative government was pseudorepresentative. What we see, then, glancing backward for a moment summary, is a civilization heavily dependent on fossil fuels, factory production, the nuclear family, the corporation, mass education, and the mass media, all based on a widening cleavage between production and consumption—and all managed by a set of elites whose task it was to integrate the whole. In this system, representative government was the political equivalent of the factory. Indeed, it was a factory for the manufacture of collective integrational decisions. Like most factories, it was managed from above. And like most factories, it is now increasingly obsolete, a victim of the advancing Third Wave. #RandolphHarris 10 of 20

If Second Wave political structures are increasingly out of date, unable to cope with today’s complexities—part of the trouble, as we shall see, lies in another crucial Second Wave institution: the nation-state. The World War II ex-GIs, and their brides who moved to the new suburban subdevelopments after the war represented the beginnings of the mass suburbanization of North America. This postwar era was a period of economic boom and intense optimism. After all, the Depression was over, and America’s productivity had won the war. That productivity meant that by the mid-1950s America, with 6 percent of the World’s population, was producing half the World’s goods. The postwar prosperity showed in the 1950 census, which indicated that the United States of America now had become a nation of homeowners, with 55 percent of American householders now owning rather than renting. At the end of World War II, the average American family was renting. New housing starts in 1949 went over a million a year—a pace that would be maintained for forty years. The veterans moving to the new suburbs were not only great in number, they also differed from earlier suburbanites insofar as they represented a wide swath of American society. Not all of the veterans obtaining VA loans were middle-class, and many were not WASPs. Suburbia was not only being enlarged, it was also ethically, economically, and religiously being democratized. The newcomers were Catholics and Jews as well as mainline Protestants; they were Irish, Italian, and Polish as well as English or northwest European; they were high paid educated professionals and factory workers as well as professionals and managers. #RandolphHarris 11 of 20

While advertisements still stressed that moving out was moving up, the fact was that suburbs were coming to mirror mainstream America. A few boundaries however, remained—those of race, religion, language, and culture. Racially, postwar suburbs looked Art of Thanksgiving by Norman Rockwell. Virtually all the newcomers were Christian, from Europe, spoke English, and kept their homes, inside and out, picture perfect. People who did not fit these standards were not welcomed. There is no question that the new metropolitan-area housing, and lots of it, was needed by the late 1940s. During the Depression new buildings starts for the nation had dropped to as low as 92,000 in 1933. During the war millions of people had been encouraged to migrate into the cities to take jobs in the expanding war industries. However, except for a limited amount of “temporary” housing, little new housing was built for the war workers. This was due in good part to the lobbying of banking and real estate interests such as the National Association of Homebuilders, who strenuously fought the government building defense housing. Real estate builders and sellers felt such housing would be a glut on the market after the war ended. As a result, by 1946 there were hardly any homes for ale or, for that matter, apartments for rent. Some 6 million families, unable to get their own housing, were doubling up with relatives. Something had to happen. What occurred was a government-subsidized mass exodus to new tract suburbs of standardized single-family homes. With city landlords raising rents and landlords not wanting to rent to couples with young children, it is not surprising that middle-class and even working-class families flooded out from the cities to the greener opportunities of the suburbs. #RandolphHarris 12 of 20

During the 1950s and 1960, the suburban population of the United States of America dramatically increased from 35 million to 84 million suburbanites. This was a growth rate of 144 percent. By 1970, 37 percent of Americans lived in the suburbs. The 2020 census figure increased to 52 percent. Currently, half the United States of America’s population lives in the suburbs. However, rural communities are also seeing 16 percent growth, especially as people want to get back to nature and keep their families socially distant and out of crowded cities. Many of the new postwar suburbanites settled in the subdivision tract suburbs being erected on the periphery of urban areas. They moved there because that is where new housing was available. Only in the suburbs could the goal of every family having its own home (and mortgage) be realized. “I have not yet reached perfection, but I press on, hoping to take hold of that for which Christ once took hold me of. My friends, I do not reckon myself to have got hold of it yet. All I can say is this: forgetting what is behind me, and reaching out for that which lies ahead, I press towards the goal to win the prize which is God’s call to the life above, in Christ Jesus,” reports Phil. 3.12-14. For we are always traveling, and must leave behind us what we know and possess, and seek for that which we do not yet know and possess. All of us are on a journey along the road of life. It is a journey across time, as we move through childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. However, it is also a journey of discovery, as each new being in the road helps us learn more about ourselves, our World, and perhaps the purpose of our journey. Where are you on the road of life? How much progress have you made in your spiritual journey? #RandolphHarris 13 of 20

Developmental psychology has given us some tools to help us think about the journey. For example, Erik Erikson describes eight stages or eras in the human life span, and identifies a specific challenge that must be mastered at each stage. The first four stages cover infancy and childhood, as the infant first forms a special bond with the parents, and then spends the childhood years gradually disengaging from the parents, building a sense of individual competence, and preparing for an independent life in adulthood. The journey begins in earnest during adolescence, as each of us struggles to achieve a sense of identity. Who am I? What is important to me? Where am I headed in life? Yogi Berra’s lighthearted approach to life decisions is well known: “When you come to a fork in the road, take it.” However, most of us recognized as adolescents that there is more wisdom in Robert Frost’s view—that the “road not taken” steadily diverges from the path we chose, leading inevitably to different life outcomes. In part, the identity crisis of the teen years is produced by new ways of thinking, a set of new intellectual tools that Jean Piaget calls formal operational thought. The adolescent can now think much more clearly about abstract ideas and hypothetical possibilities, including options for future careers and relationships. For most of us, career choices flows out of identity formation—and for Christians, part of our identity is our place in God’s plan. The theologian Walter Brueggemann states, “As we move from the question ‘Who am I?’ to the question ‘Whose am I?’, eventually all questions of identity become questions of vocation…Vocation is finding a purpose for being in the World that is related to the purpose of God.” #RandolphHarris 14 of 20

The related question of intimacy soon arises: With whom do I wan to share my life? The theologian Henri Nouwen echoes Erikson’s emphasis on intimacy, arguing that the search for intimacy is a “desire to experience a sense of inner completeness, a sense of inner unity, because many people feel alone in the World in a very painful way.” It is natural and normal to want a partner in the journey of life. However, even the choice of a mate is built on the successful resolution of earlier challenges. Specially, a mature capacity for intimacy is built on the foundation of a secure sense of identity. Dr. Nouwen claims, “For real intimacy to be possible, both husband and wife need to be fully developed human beings…This means that intimacy is only possible for people who have found identity.” What is the next step for the adult who has achieved identity and intimacy? Dr. Erikson claims that mature adults struggle to express their generativity—a concern for the next generation and for the future of society. Those who focus on their own needs and achievements will eventually stagnate, while those who turn outward to make a difference in other people’s lives will find their own lives renewed with vigour and a new sense of purpose. Individual generativity spreads outward like ripples expanding in circles from a stone dropped in a pond, combining with generative impulses from other adults, to foster societal generativity, which enhances the next generation’s development. Finally, as we approach the end of our journey, Dr. Erikson sees a final challenge: to develop a sense of ego integrity—to be able to look back on our life and see that the various pieces and phases of the journey actually fit together to form a meaningful and worthwhile whole. #RandolphHarris 15 of 20

Ideally, we will be able to acknowledge our mistakes, yet still feel that we did our best with the gifts that God gave us; we will be able to express our regrets about the wrong turns and blind alleys, yet still see the hand of God guiding our path. The metaphour of life as a journey is helpful image, but it is not the only way we can think about the life span or our own development as individuals. The psychologist Dan McAdams prefers the metaphour of life as a story—a personal narrative in which each chapter represents a phase of our life, complete with heroes and villains, unfolding with high drama. From this perspective, each of us constructs the meaning and purpose of our story—initially in adolescence and young adulthood—and this in turn shapes the events in the next chapter of our life. Which of these metaphours do you prefer? Both metaphours have rich connections with biblical themes, but the journey metaphour perhaps captures more of the flavour of the Christian’s walk with God and the sense of movement through the life span. The journey metaphour also echoes in one of the earliest names for Christianity in Greek (as reported in Acts 9.2; 19.23; 24.14, 22): hodos—“the way.” Each of us is “on the way” along the road of life. As Dr. Luther describes it, “we are always traveling, and must leave behind us what we know and possess, and seek for that which we do not yet know and possess.” Each sage of our journey involves leaving behind the baggage of the previous phase, and equipping ourselves for the next phase by realigning ourselves with the compass setting as it points toward our destination, the end point in the journey. #RandolphHarris 16 of 20

In the words of St. Paul, “forgetting what is behind me, and reaching out for that which lies ahead, I press towards the goal to win he prize which is God’s call to the life above, in Christ Jesus.” If the vision of Light brought union with God, intimacy with God, it did not and could not enabled one to know God as God knows Himself. He could not penetrate His inmost nature and substance. This, the ultimate beyond the Light, is called “the Divine Darkness” by the Fathers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Seeing the Light in front of one is one state; being merged into it is another, and superior. This is the penultimate experience, the last but one of the mystic’s way. One finds oneself totally lost indeed but lost in the most dazzling Light. The ego seems to have vanished: infinity and universality of being have replaced it. Ecstatic rapture fills one. Is it any wonder that the Greek Orthodox Church mystics of the first few centuries believe this was the ultimate experience of pure Spirit, the final union with God? Yet it may not last, cannot last, must come to an end. It may have held one for one or two minutes only or it may have done so for a longer period. It may never recur again in one’s whole lifetime—this is so in most cases—or it may come several times more. However, it stands as a landmark until the end of one’s years. Where the Greek Orthodox Church regards the Light experience as the highest point reachable by humans, the Indian Philosophic Teaching regards it as the highest point reachable by humans, the Indian Philosophic Teaching regards is as the last stage before the highest. #RandolphHarris 17 of 20

For anything which is “seen” implies the existence of a “seer” as separate from it. This is not less so even in the case of the Holy Light. Not seeing but be-ing is the final experience according to his Teaching. “You have to go beyond seeing and find out who is ‘I’ who experiences this light,” said Ramana Maharshi to a disciple. Turn your eyes on yourself. Stop judging the faults of others. Why? You snoop about long and hard in the lives of others, and all you come up with is a thimbleful. In the process you leave much wreckage behind even where you found no fault. Make an inventory of your own faults and negligences, and you will come up with a basketful. Yes, it is a matter of the heart, our heart, and we are always in a terrible judgmental state. However, have you noticed? When others commit faults, we harden our hearts against them, excusing little because they should know better. However, when we commit the very same faults, we soften our hearts, excusing much because of the wonderfulness of ourselves. It is a matter of common sense. Resist the rush to judgment. You know it is wrong, and it would not happen so often if God were truly the sole object of your gaze. However, there is no doubt we suffer damage. Something lurks on the inside. Something trips us up on the outside. Unbeknownst to themselves, many people are self-seekers; that is to say, it is themselves they are chasing, and they do not even know it. They seem happy enough when things are going their own way. However, they are not, they run and sit in a corner and cry big tears. How can his happen? Well, with so many of us thinking and holding so many different opinions, there is bound o be a disagreement now and then; and no one, not even the friendly and the civil, the religious and the devout, are exempt from hurt feelings. #RandolphHarris 18 of 20

Old habits die hard. That is practical wisdom, and so is this: Nobody trusts farther than one can see. Here is some spiritual wisdom. Rely on Jesus Christ as your Lord and Master. If you do no, but rely rather on your own ability to logick your way through life, then you will not be nominated for the Homo Illuminatus award. God sees Himself as creator and sees us as creatures. To the end He wants us to climb above mere human reason. He wans to light our love with the Divine Torch. Both common sense and practical experience inform us that some sicknesses come solely from physical causes. The proper way to treat them is to use physical methods, that is, to find those causes and remove them, and to apply physical remedies. Those who transgress against the body’s law of being and suffer the penalty in ill health, cannot reasonably blame God’s will when they ought to blame their own abuse, neglect, or ignorance. The penalties of violating hygienic laws may in some cases be escaped by spiritual means, but the penalties of continuing to violate them may not. The cause which engenders a malady must be itself removed, or else the removal of the symptoms which are merely its effects will be followed eventually by their reappearance or by those of a different malady. Wisdom here tells us to obey the laws and to regard disease as a warning of our transgression of them. Those who seek healing only to be restored to sensual courses and selfish designs, may commit further errors and be worse off in the end. In protecting the Earth, we found good pine needles and harsh dried wood along with rocks helpful. When you begin to examine our Earth, you find tiny flowers and small grass blades, Ornamented by the chatter of ground squirrels. You find your soil is soft and rocky; it does not permit artificial soil topping. #RandolphHarris 19 of 20

Our pine trees are diligent, dedicated and graceful; in either life of death they will always perform their duty of pinetreeness, equipped with sap and bark. We find our World of wilderness so refreshing. Along with Summer’s drum, we produce occasional thundershowers, wet and dry messages; we cannot miss the point, since this Earth is so bending and open to us, along with the rocks, we are not shy, we are so proud—we can make a wound in a pine tree and it bleeds sap, and courts us, in spite of the setting-sun shadow; they bend and serve so graciously, whether dead or alive. We love our pines and rocks; they are not covered with the superstitious setting-sun chemical manure of this and that. We are so proud of the sky that we produce on our horizon. Our stars twinkle and wink as if they know us; we have no problem of recognition. Our rocks and pine trees speak for us. O Lord our God, be gracious unto Thy people of America and accept their prayer. Please restore the worship to Thy Sanctuary and receive in love and favour the supplication of America. May the worship of Thy people be ever acceptable unto Thee. O may our eyes witness Thy return to America. Blessed art Thou, O Lord, who restores Thy divine presence unto America. We thankfully acknowledge Thee, O Lord our God, our fathers’ God to all eternity. Our Rock art Thou, our Shield that saves through every generation. We give Thee thanks and we declare Thy praise for all Thy tender care. Our lives we trust into Thy loving hand. Our souls are ever in Thy charge; Thy wonders and Thy miracles are daily with us, evening, morn, and noon. O Thou who art all-good, whose mercies never fail us, Compassionate One, whose lovingkindness never cease, we ever hope in Thee. #RandolphHarris 20 of 20

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