People can cry much easier than they can change. The Second Wave, like some nuclear chain reaction, violently split apart two aspects of our lives that had always, until then, been one. In so doing, it drove a giant invisible wedge into our economy, our psyches, and even our pleasureful selves. At one level, the industrial revolution created a marvelously integrated social system with its own distinctive technologies, its own social institutions, and its own information channels—all plugged tightly into each other. Yet, at another level, it ripped apart the underlying unity of society, creating a way of life filled with economic tension, social conflict, and psychological malaise. Only if we understand how this invisible wedge has shaped our lives throughout the Second Wave era can we appreciate the full impact of the Third Wave that is beginning to reshape us today. The two halves of human life that the Second Wave split apart were production and consumption. We are accustomed, for example, to think of ourselves as producers or consumers. This was not always true. Until the industrial revolution, the vast bulk of all the food, goods, and services produced by the human race was consumed by the producers themselves, their families, or a tiny elite who managed to scrape off the surplus for their own use. In most agricultural societies the great majority of people were peasants who huddled together in small, semi-isolated communities. They lived on a subsistence diet, growing just barely enough to keep themselves happy. #RandolphHarris 1 of 22

Lacking the means for storing food over long periods, lacking the roads necessary to transport their product to distant markets, and well aware that any increase in output was likely to be confiscated by the owner of enslaved people or feudal lord, they also lacked any great incentive to improve technology or increase production. Commerce existed, of course. We know that small numbers of intrepid merchant carried goods for thousands of miles by camel, wagon, or boat. We know that cities sprang up dependent on food from the countryside. By 1519, when the Spaniards arrived in Mexico, they were astonished to find thousands of people in Tlatelolco engaged in buying and selling jewels, precious metals, slaves and sandals, cloth, chocolate, ropes, skins, turkeys, vegetables, rabbits, dogs, and pottery of a thousand kinds. The Fugger Newsletter, private dispatches prepared for German bankers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, give colourful evidence of the scope of trade by that time. A letter from Cochin, in India, describes in detail the trails of a European merchant who arrived with five ships to buy pepper for transport to Europe. “A pepper store is fine business,” he explains, “but it requires great zeal and perseverance.” This merchant also shipped cloves, nutmeg, flour, cinnamon, mace, and various drugs to the European market. Nevertheless, all this commerce represented only a trace element in history, compared with the extent of production for immediate self-use by the agricultural slave or serf. #RandolphHarris 2 of 22

Even as late as the sixteenth century, according to Fernand Braudel, whose historical research on the period is unsurpassed, the entire Mediterranean region—from France and Span at one end to Turkey at the other—supported a population of sixty to seventy million, of which 90 percent lived on the soil, producing only a small amount of goods for trade. Writes Braudel, “60 percent or perhaps 70 percent of the overall production of the Mediterranean never entered the market economy.” And if this was the case in the Mediterranean region, what should we assume of Northern Europe, where the rocky soil and long cold winters made it even more difficult for the less affluent to extract a surplus from the soil? If we conceive of the First Wave economy, before the industrial revolution, as consisting of two sectors, it will help us under the Third Wave. In Sector A, people produced for their own use. In Sector B, they produced for trade or exchange. Sector A was huge; Sector B was tiny. For most people, therefore, production and consumption were fused into a single life-giving function. So complete was this unity that the Greeks, the Romans, and the medieval Europeans did not distinguish between the two. They lacked even a word for consumer. Throughout the First Wave Era only a tiny fraction of the population was dependent on the market; most people lived largely outside it. In the words of the historian R. H. Tawney, “pecuniary transitions were a fringe on a World of natural economy.” #RandolphHarris 3 of 22

The Second Wave violently changed this situation. Instead of essentially self-sufficient people and communities, it created for the first time in history a situation in which the overwhelming bulk of food, goods, and services was destined for sale, barter, or exchange. It virtually wiped out of existence goods produced for one’s own consumption—for use by the actual producer and one’s family—and created a civilization in which almost no one, not even a farmer was self-sufficient any longer. Everyone became almost totally dependent upon food, goods, or services produce by somebody else. In short, industrialism broke the union of production and consumption, and split the producer from the consumer. The fused economy of the First Wave was transformed into the split economy of the Second Wave. The consequences of this fission were momentous. Even now we scarcely understand them. First, the market place—once a minor and peripheral phenomenon—moved into the very vortex of life. The economy became “marketized.” And this happened in both capitalist and socialist industrial economies. Western economists tend to think of the market as a purely capitalist fact of life and often use the term as though it were synonymous with “profit economy.” Yet from all we know of history, exchange—and hence a marketplace—sprang up earlier than, and independently of, profit. For the market, properly speaking, is nothing more than an exchange network, a switchboard, as it were, through which goods or services, like messages, are routed to their appropriate destinations. It is not inherently capitalist. Such a switchboard is just as essential to a socialist industrial society as it is to profit-motivated industrialism.  #RandolphHarris 4 of 22

The market as a switchboard must exist whether trade is based on money or barter. It must exist whether or not profit is siphoned out of it, whether prices follow supply and demand or are fixed by the state, whether the system is planned or not, whether the means of production are private or public. It must exist even in a hypothetical economy of self-managed industrial firms in which workers set their own wages high enough to eliminate profit as a category. So overlooked is this essential fact, so closely has the market been identified with only one of its many variants (the profit-based, private-property model, in which prices reflect supply and demand), that there is not even a word in the conventional vocabulary of economics to express the multiplicity of its forms. Throughout these pages, the term “market” is used in its full generic sense, rather than in the customary restrictive way. Semantics aside, however, the basic points remains: wherever producer and consumer are divorced, some mechanism is needed to mediate between them. This mechanism, whatever its form, is what I call the market. In fort, wherever the Second Wave struck and the purpose of production shifted from use to exchange, there had to be a mechanism through which that exchange could take place. There had to be a market. However, the market was not passive. The economic historian Karl Polanyi has shown how the market, which was subordinated to the social or religio-cultural goals of early societies, came to set the goal of industrial societies. #RandolphHarris 5 of 22

Most people were sucked into the money system. Commercial values became central, economic growth (as measured by the size of the market) became the primary goal of governments, whether capitalist or socialist. For the market was an expansive, self-reinforcing institution. Just as the earliest division of labour had encouraged commerce in the first place, now the very existence of a market or switchboard encouraged a further division of labour and led to sharply increased productivity. A self-amplifying process had been set in motion. This explosive expansion of the market contributed to the fastest rise in living standards the World had ever experienced. In politics, however, Second Wave governments found themselves increasingly torn by a new kind of conflict born of the split between production and consumption. The Marxist emphasis on class struggles has systematically obscured the larger, deeper conflict that arose between the demands of producers (both workers and managers) for higher wages, profits, and benefits and the counterdemand of consumer (including the very same people) for lower prices. The seesaw of economic policy rocked on this fulcrum. The growth of the consumer movement in the United States of America, the recent uprising in Brazil against government-decreed fuel prices (the gasoline), the endlessly raging debate in Britain about prices and incomes policy, the deadly ideological struggles in Russia over whether heavy industry or consumer goods should receive first priority, are all aspects of the profound conflict engendered in any society, capitalist or socialists, by the split between production and consumption. #RandolphHarris 6 of 22

Not only politics but culture, too, was shaped by this cleavage, for it also produced the most money-minded, grasping, commercialized, and calculating civilization in history. One need scarcely be a Marxist to agree with The Communist Manifesto’s famous accusation that the new society “left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous ‘cash payment.’” Personal relationships, family bonds, love, friendship, neighbourly and community ties all became tinctured or corrupted by commercial self-interest. Correct in identifying this dehumanization of interpersonal bonds, Marx was incorrect, however, in attributing it to capitalism. He wrote, of course, at a time when the only industrial society he could observe was capitalist in form. Today, after more than a century of experience with industrial societies based on socialism, or at least state socialism, we know that aggressive acquisitiveness, commercial corruption, and the reduction of human relationships to coldly economic terms are no monopoly of the profit system. For the obsessive concern with money, goods, and things is a reflection not of capitalism or socialism, but of industrialism. It is a reflection of the central role of the marketplace in all societies in which everyone is dependent upon the marketplace rather than on one’s own productive skills for the necessities of life. In such a society, irrespective of its political structure, not only products are bought, sold, traded, and exchanged, but labour, ideas, art, and souls as well. #RandolphHarris 7 of 22

The Western purchasing agent who pockets an illegal commission is not so different from the news editor who takes kickbacks from city and state leaders for not investigating them, airing stories on their personal life and job performance to keep the public’s attention off them so they can do whatever they want in the background without being held accountable. It is also no different from a plumber who demands a bottle of vodka to do what he is paid to do. The French or British or American artist who writes or paints for money alone is not so different form the Polish, Czech, or Russian novelist, painter, or playwright who sells one’s creative freedom for such economic perquisites as a dacha, bonuses, access to a new car or otherwise unobtainable goods. Such corrupt is inherent in the divorce of production from consumption. The very need for a market or switchboard to reconnect consumer and producer, to move goods from the producer to the consumer, necessarily places those who control the market in a position of inordinate power—regardless of the rhetoric they use to justify that power. This divorce of production from consumption, which became a defining feature of all industrial or Second Wave societies, even affected our psyches and our assumptions about personality. Behaviour came to be seen as a set of transactions. Instead of a society based on friendship, kindship, or tribal or feudal allegiance, there arose in the wake of the Second Wave a civilization based on contractual ties, actual or implied. Even husbands and wives today speak of martial contracts. #RandolphHarris 8 of 22

The cleavage between these two roles—producer and consumer—created at the same time a dual personality. The very same person who (as a producer) was taught by family, school, and boss to defer gratification, to be disciplined, controlled, restrained, obedient, to be a team player, was simultaneously taught (as a consumer) to seek instant gratification, to be hedonistic rather than calculating, to abandon discipline, to pursue individualistic pleasure—in short to be a totally different kind of person. In the West especially, the full firepower of advertising was trained on the consumer, urging one to borrow, to buy on impulse, to “Fly now, pay later,” and, in so doing, to perform a patriotic service by keeping the wheels of the economy turning. Although outlying suburban areas existed prior to the 1850s, places we would clearly recognize as suburbs began to appear in greater number at that time. What made possible the suburbs as we know it was a revolution in mobility. The emergence of a reasonable, reliable, and safe public transport for the first time made city-suburban commuting feasible. What really changed the urban-suburban equation was the transportation technology of the railroad. The introduction of the horse-drawn streetcar in the 1850s further stimulated suburban growth by providing a more frequent and convenient means of transportation. Building and operating a horse streetcar line on light rails was far less expensive than operating a railway on heavy rails. #RandolphHarris 9 of 22

Moreover, from the commuters’ viewpoint the streetcar had the added advantage of frequent schedules at a low fixed fare. Most horse streetcars charged 10 cents, while the omnibuses charged 15 cents. Furthermore, the streetcars could hold thirty to forty people and transport them at a speed of 6 or 7 miles an hour. This was twice as fast as walking or taking the uncomfortable omnibus. The rapid expansion of horse streetcar lines during the 1850s meant that now not only wealthy businessmen using the railroads could be regular commuters, but also shopkeepers and tradesmen. By the advent of the Civil War, horse streetcar lines provided regular and dependable service both within and to the extremities of all larger cities. New York alone had some 142 miles of track, which transported almost 100,000 passengers a day. However, the mass exodus from the city would not happen until the 1950s. The great bulk of those affluent enough to commute daily were quite comfortable in their urban town houses, and they were not eager to forsake the comforts and culture of the city for the more bucolic charms of the urban periphery. Not until the Civil War and its industrial changes transformed the center of the cities from the preindustrial pattern emphasizing trade, commerce, and limited local manufacture to the industrial patter emphasizing a workplace filled with factories and tenement slums packed with immigrants would suburbanism become a distinct way of life. #RandolphHarris 10 of 22

The Civil War (1861-1865) provides a good dividing line between the compact commercial-based walking city of the antebellum period and the large, sprawling industrial-based cities that followed the war. During the Civil War the economy of northern cities shifted from a mercantile or trade focus to an industrial economy. Assisted by a new Republican party protective tariffs that kept out more cost-effective foreign competition, northern industrialists began producing the bulk of the nation’s steel, military hardware, and woolen goods. Prior to the war, most of these goods had been imported. The huge war-stimulated demand for goods, and the war-inflated profits, were a boon to new industries. Although steamboats were a new technology, they produced a lot of pollution and were deemed inefficient. However, the railroad system was the darling of its time. The introduction of industrialization initially encouraged centripetal rather than centrifugal forces. Urban densities increased, and cites became more crowded. Within the cities the new manufacturing plants and industrial factories concentrated in areas near but not in the central core. Since property at the very center of the city was too expensive for industrial usage, industry usually located in a ring surrounding the central core. This provided good access to local markets as well as to rail and often water transportation. Rail lines rarely went into the very heart of the larger cities. Rather, the terminals were on the outer edges of the downtown commercial area. This was both because the downtown land was too valuable for such a usage and because steam engines spewed out not only filthy smoke but also sparks that started fires. #RandolphHarris 11 of 22

Thus, both land economies and municipal regulations eventually banned steam locomotives from the central core of most cities. However, for manufacturing industries located near the center of a rail line was essential since the plants depended on the railways to bring them raw materials and the coal used to fire their steam turbines. The rail lines were also crucial for shipping goods to nonlocal markets. The result was that in the city after city, the zone just outside the downtown was converted from residential to manufacturing and commercial activities. The housing that remained in the zone consisted of high-occupancy tenements for the poorly paid workers in the local factories. The post-Civil War concentration of industries in the so-called zone of transition also led to the concentration of storage and wholesale distribution as well as manufacturing activities in the same general area. This, in turn, made the zone around downtown even les desirable as a residential area for those owning property. However, the changes in the zone of transition meant sharp appreciation in land values and, thus, large profits for those owning land. As areas went from good residential housing to factories and tenements, fortunes were made. Speculators often would buy properties in anticipation of even further rises as land usage changed. Hopes of profits from land use change also discouraged investment in improving the existing buildings. Rather, the existing buildings were turned into slum housing. Older residential properties near the factories were commonly divided into many small units in order to house the unskilled—often immigrant—workers who worked for minimal wages in the industrial plants. #RandolphHarris 12 of 22

Often working twelve hours a day six days a week, the industrial worker could not afford to live anywhere but near the factories. The slow and expensive nature of public transportation also ruled out any separation of place of work and place of residence. The result was that surrounding the factories, landlords converted existing homes to multiunit, one-room flats. They also built jaw-to-jaw, cheaply constructed tenements to cover every open space. These tenements were then packed to unbelievable densities with immigrant workers—first Irish, then German, Jewish, Italian, Polish, Black, and Hispanic. These slums provided immigrant labourers with housing close to the factories in which they worked—but at a horrendous prince in terms of health and decency of life. Population densities in tenement zones sometimes exceeded 100,000 persons per square mile. These remarkably high levels of crowding contrasted with the declining housing-density levels in the more middle-class neighbourhoods developing on the cities’ periphery. The post-Civil War city thus saw the preindustrial pattern of downtowns having a mixed residential and business usage being supplanted by the industrial pattern of downtown land being devoted to commerce and business while the next zone was one of industry and tenements for minimally paid workers. The latter part of the nineteenth century saw the remaining central-core residences quickly give way to business offices and retail establishments. #RandolphHarris 13 of 22

Especially found in the city core were firms that thrived on crowds and congestion such as the new large department stores. High central-city land values were an inevitable result of a free-market system and a high business demand for a central location. Centrality meant access, and access was crucial to exchanging business information and making contacts. Nineteenth-century businesses a century before the era of fax machines, and even before telephone were in widespread business use, had real difficulties quickly exchanging information. To exchange information, it was necessary that offices be close to one another. This was commonly done by means of office boys who served as messengers. If your business was out of the range of the office boys, you were out of the loop. Several inventions of the late quarter of the century, such as Otis’s practical steam-powered elevator and William LeBaron Jenney’s iron-girdered buildings, further increased both the value of the central-city land and the number of working people that could be officed on that land. Buildings could now grow upward. The development of a practical steam, and by the late 1890s, electric, elevator meant that the height of buildings was no longer restricted to the maximum five or six floors that anyone in good health was expected to climb. The iron- or steel-girdered building, first developed in Chicago in 1889, was even more revolutionary. #RandolphHarris 14 of 22

Since the emergence of cities, buildings had been constructed to be supported by their outer walls. In the case of the office buildings, this meant massive outer walls at the base of the building, with the walls becoming progressively thinner as height increased. Since the walls were load bearing, windows had to be small. This was a major limitation in the era before widespread use of electric illumination. This method of building by use the walls for support meant that the maximum number of floors any building could have was ten or eleven. The development of steel-framed buildings changes all this. Steel-framed buildings were constructed by erecting a frame of steel girders and then basically hanging the building’s walls on this frame. Since the outer walls were not load bearing, windows could be made much larger, as in the “Chicago windows” of Louis Sullivan’s Carson, Pirie, Scott & Co. department store in Chicago’s Loop. Steel-framed building techniques meant that offices, businesses, and hotels could now be stacked vertically one floor upon another as high as economics and local ordinances would allow. All of the above provided a strong incentive for middle- and particularly upper-class outmovement. What was needed was an effective means of daily transport for the middle classes. Horse streetcars, as previously noted, provided a reasonably comfortable ride at twice the speed of the omnibus. Putting a coach on light rails also opened up peripheral land along the rail line to real estate speculations. Fortunes were made by promoting for suburban development what was previously low-valued out-of-town property. #RandolphHarris 15 of 22

Horsecar, and later the electric trolley played crucial roles in extending Boston from a pedestrian city having a 2-mile radius in 1850 to a metropolitan area having a 10-mie radius in 1900. However, in spite of their obvious advantages, horse streetcars also had serious limitations. Most of these had to do with the horse itself. Pulling a car loaded with thirty people was a major effort, particularly in the heat of the summer or when there was an incline. No infrequently, overworked animals were beaten by drivers and collapsed under the strain. Estimates for the number of horses dying in New York streets during the peak years of horse streetcar usage are roughly 15,000 animals dying a year. When an animal pulling a streetcar died or was injured and had to be destroyed, the carcass was no only left on the street, but the riders had to wait for a new horse to arrive and be hitched. Moreover, horses spent the majority of the day in the stable, and whether they were used or not they had to be fed. Horses also caused tremendous waste and pollution problems. Each mature horse produced approximately 26 pounds of manure and several gallons of urine each day. As a result, at the beginning of the twentieth century, New York City each day had to deal with 2.5 million pounds of horse manure and 60,000 gallons of urine. Horse streetcars, thus, contributed in a major fashion to urban sanitation and public health problems. Horse-drawn streetcars brought manure and files. #RandolphHarris 16 of 22

Cables cars initially seemed to provide an answer to the disadvantages of horse streetcars. Cable cars were firs used in San Francisco in 1873 as a means of coping with the city’s steep hills. By the 1880s, cable cars had spread east and come into wide usage nationwide. Cable cars, which ran by clamping the cable car onto a moving cable that ran in a tunnel between the streetcar tracks, were far cleaner (no horse small, manure, or urine) than horse streetcars. Moreover, they could go faster, pull heavier weights, and even go up hills and safely down the other side. The ability to go down a hill at fixed rate of speed was the real achievement. Poor brakes not infrequently led o wagons going down steep hills and breaking loose and out of control. Without the cable cars’ ability to grip onto a cable that was always moving the same constant speed, streetcars, with their minimum friction between steel wheels and stee rails, would slide down the hills like a sled, even if wheel brakes were applied. During the 1800s large cities from New York to San Francisco built cable car systems along heavily traveled routes. Chicago alone had 86 miles of cable car track and 1,500 cable cars. The problem with the cable cars was that, for all their strengths, they also had some serious liabilities. The cars were pulled along by a single strand of twisted wire cable winding miles out from and back to the system generator that turned the cable. Unfortunately, the cable wore out, and a break anywhere in the miles of cable meant the entire system was down until the break was spliced. #RandolphHarris 17 of 22

Also, there were sometimes problems of operators not being able to disengage their grips from the constantly moving cable. This meant a runaway car could only be stopped if it hit something or was closed down. If the cable car that was unable to disengage from the cable could no stop, those cares ahead also had to stay engaged to the cable to keep from being rammed. Thus, one runaway created a whole series of runaways. Cable car systems were also wasteful of energy since the cable kept running regardless of whether cars were engaged on it, loading passengers, or out of service. Cable systems were also far more expensive to build then a horse streetcar system, and unlike horse streetcar systems, they could not be gradually expanded. With a cable system, you could no add an extra mile of track and a few more horses and cars. You had to make a heavy front-end investment in both the heavy steam engines to move the cable and the expensive cable. Moreover, you had to pay to dig up the streets and then install the cable in is tunnel. This cos a great deal before the system was operational. Today, only San Francisco retains is cable cars. They are a tremendous tourist attraction and kept now largely for that reasons. There are some formidable enemies, against which humans do not have a means of self-defense: natural infirmities, childhood, old age, and illness of all kinds—sad signs of our weakness, of which the first two are common to all animals, with the last belonging principally to humans in living society. #RandolphHarris 18 of 22

On the subject of childhood, I even observe that a mother, by carrying her child everywhere with her, can feed it much more easily than females of several animals species, which are forced to be continually coming and going, with great fatigue, to seek their food and suckle or feed their young. It is true that if a woman were to perish, the child runs a considerable risk of perishing with her. However, this danger is common to a hundred other species, whose young are for quite some time incapable of going off to seek their nourishment for themselves. And although childhood is longer among us, our lifespan is also longer; thus things are more or less equal in this respect, although there are other rules, not relevant to my subject, which are concerned with the duration of infancy and he number of young. Among the elderly, who are less active and perspire little, the need for food diminishes with the faculty of providing for it. And since savage life shields them from gout and rheumatism, and since old age is, of all ills, the one that human assistance can least alleviate, they eventually die without anyone being aware that they are ceasing to exist, and almost without being aware that they are ceasing to exist, and almost without being aware of it themselves. With regard to illness, I would not repeat the vain and false pronouncements made against medicine by the majority of people in good health. Rather, I will ask whether there is any solid observation on the basis of which one can conclude that the average lifespan is shorter in those countries where the art of medicine is most neglected than in those where it is cultivated most assiduously. #RandolphHarris 19 of 22

And, if we give ourselves more ills than medicine can furnish the remedies, how could his be the case? The extreme inequalities in our lifestyle: excessive idleness among some, excessive labour among others; the ease with which we arouse and satisfy our appetites and our sensuality; the overly refined foods of the wealthy, which nourish them with irritating juices and overwhelm them with indigestions; the bad food of the poor, who most of the time do not have even that, and who, for want of food, are inclined to stuff their stomachs greedily whenever possible; staying up until all hours, excesses of all kinds, immoderate outbursts of every passion, bouts of fatigue and mental exhaustion; countless sorrows and afflictions which are felt in all levels of society and which perpetually gnaw away at our souls: these are the fatal proofs that most of our ills are of our own making, and that we could have avoided nearly all of them by preserving the simple, regular, and solitary lifestyle prescribed to us by nature. If nature has destined us to be healthy, I am almost dare to affirm that the state of reflection is a state contrary to nature and that the man who meditates is a depraved animal. When one thinks about the stout constitutions of savages, at least of those whom we have not ruined with our strong liquors; when one becomes aware of the fact that they know almost no illnesses but wounds and old age, one is strongly inclined to believe that someone could easily write the history of human maladies by following the history of civil societies. #RandolphHarris 20 of 22

There is no universal maximum of the amount of food and frequency of meals. That depends on the human’s type and on one’s activity. Each must find out what keeps one most efficient. One should pray daily for the strength to overcome bad habits. Indeed, prayer for the Overself’s Grace in his connection is most important. Do not deny the physical causes of disease; it only refers them back to an earlier start in the mind. We know that a person can worry oneself into a state of physical sickness, but there seems to be less acceptance for the opposite idea that the emotions and thoughts can also produce healing and not injury. When fears and doubt, negative thoughts and pessimistic moods strongly dominate the inner life for long periods, or for a shorter one more strongly, they may provoke repercussions in the physical body and create disease. The subconscious activity of mind provides the working link between thinking, feeling, and the flesh through brain and spine, through sympathetic nerve system and delicate nerve plexus. In this way the interplay of character, health, and fortune is brought about. When a human is ever bitter, resentful, unkind, and critical; never gentle, constructive, praising, and compassionate; then poison trickles through one’s inner being, and must in the end reappear in one’s bodily being. Some of the thoughts which poison mind and blood, negatives to be cast out and kept out, are: spite, ill will, unforgiveness, violent conduct, and constant fault-finding. The sins of the heart bring on diseased physical being and this in turn if not changed, brings on a diseased physical being. #RandolphHarris 21 of 22

All negative states of mind and emotions are destructive. They work harm to some one of the body’s organs or interfere with its functions. If those states are continuous, they sink into the subconscious and the results appear as disease. This is possible because the sympathetic nervous system, which controls the automatic functions of the body, such as circulation and elimination, digestion and nutrition, is open to influence by the subconscious mind. The emotions and moods which work destructively on the physical body and may be the real origin of its sickness include fear, hatred, anger, jealousy, despondency, anxiety, worry, doubt, and inordinate excitement. It is not one’s occasional thoughts which create sickness or affect fortune, but one’s habitual ones. Those who nurture hate or vow revenge, slowly shorten the life period of their physical body. Blessed is the spot, and the house, and the place, and the city, and the heart, and the mountain, and the refuge, and the cave, and the valley, and the land, and the sea, and the island, and the meadow where mention of God hah been made, and His praise glorified. When I called upon the Lord, ascribe greatness unto our God. O Lord, open Thou my lips and my mouth shall declare Thy praise. Praised art Thou, O Lord our God and God of our fathers, God of Abraham, God of Isaac and God of Jacob, mighty, revered and exalted God. Thou bestowest lovingkindness and possesses all things. Mindful of the patriarchs’ love for Thee, Thou wilt in Thy love bring a redeemer to their children’s children for he sake of Thy name. O King, Thou Helper, Redeemer and Shield, be Thou praised, O Lord, Shield of Abraham. Thou, O Lord, art mighty forever. Thou callest the dead to immortal life for Thou art mighty in deliverance. #RandolphHarris 22 of 22

Cresleigh Homes

Lush detailing makes the Meadows Res 2 model at #PlumasRanch feel cozy and luxurious at the same time. We’re picturing curling up on the couch with a glass of sparkling apple cider as we speak… ahhh…. 🍷

Plumas Ranch offers three distinct communities to choose from: Riverside, Meadows, and Bluffs. Home sizes range from 1,740 to over 3,400 square feet with up to five bedrooms, three and one half bathrooms, and three-car garages available.

Like all Cresleigh floorplans, their layouts are creative, versatile, and envisioned to maximize every available foot of space. https://cresleigh.com/cresleigh-meadows-at-plumas-ranch/residence-2/

The covered entry opens up to an expansive foyer, and immediately light fills the open concept kitchen, breakfast nook, and great room. There is also a formal dining room and a butler’s pantry.

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