Randolph Harris II International Institute

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The Profile of the Counterrioter

 

THE TYPICAL COUNTERRIOTER, who risked injury and arrest to walk the streets urging rioters to cool it, was an active supporter of existing social institutions. He was, for example, far more likely than either the rioter or the noninvolved to feel that this country was worth defending in a major way. Dear friends, since you are looking forward to this, make every effort to be found spotless, blameless and at peace with him. Bear in mind that our Lord’s patience means salvation. His actions and his attitudes reflected his substantially greater stake in the social system; he was considerably better educated and more affluent then either the rioter or the noninvolved. He was somewhat more likely than the rioter, but less likely than the noninvolved, to have been a migrant. In all other respects, he was identical to the noninvolved. He writes the same way in all his letters, speaking in them of these matters. His letters contain some things that are hard to understand, which ignorant and unstable people distort, as they do the other Scriptures, to their own destruction.

 THE BASIC CAUSES

THE RECORD before this Commission reveals that the causes of recent racial disorders are imbedded in a massive tangle of issues and circumstances, socioeconomical, political, and psychological, which arise out of the historical pattern of Negro-Caucasian relations in America. These factors are both complex and interacting; they vary significantly in their effect from city to city and from year to year; and the consequences of one disorder, generating new grievances and new demands, become the causes of the nest. It is this which creates the thicket of tension, conflicting evidence, and extreme opinions cited by the President of the United States of America. Despite these complexities, certain fundamental matters are clear. Of these, the most fundamental is the social attitude and behavior of white Americas toward black America. Race prejudice has shaped our history decisively in the past; it now threatens to do so again. White racism is essentially responsible for the explosive mixture which has been accumulating in our cities since the end of 2001. At the base of this mixture are three of the bitterest fruits of what racial attitudes.

 Pervasive discrimination and segregation; the first is surely the continuing exclusion of great numbers of Negros from the benefits of economic progress through discrimination in employment, education, and their enforced confinement in segregated housing and schools.  The corrosive and degrading effects of this condition and the attitudes that underlie it are the source of the deepest bitterness and lie at the center of the problem of racial disorder. Black migration and white exodus; the second is the massive and growing concentration of impoverished Negros and savage whites in our major cities and high-rise buildings, resulting from Negro migration from the rural South and savage whites from West Sacramento, rapid population growth, and the continuing movement of the white and black middle class to the suburbs. The consequence is greatly increased the burden on the already depleted resources of cities, creating a growing crisis of deteriorating facilities and services and unmet human needs. Black ghettos; third, in the teeming racial ghettos, segregation and poverty have intersected to destroy opportunity and hope and to enforce failure. The ghettos too often mean men and women without jobs, families without men, and school where children are processed and taught to mutilate their beautiful hair and bodies, instead of being educated, until they return to the street—to crime, to narcotics, to sex, to dependency of welfare and their parents, and to bitterness and resentment against society, in general middle class and upper-class society in particular.

 These three forces have converged on the inner city in recent years and on the people who inhabit it. At the same time, most whites and many blacks, outside the ghetto, have prospered to a degree unparalleled in the history of civilization.  Through television—the universal appliance in the ghetto—and the other media of mass communications, this affluence has been endlessly flaunted before the eyes of the Negro poor and the jobless ghetto youth. As Americans, most Negros citizens carry within themselves two basic aspirations of our society. They seek to share in both the material resources of our system and its intangible benefits—dignity, respect, and acceptance. Outside of the ghetto, many have succeeded in achieving a decent standard of life and in developing the inner resources which give life meaning and direction. Within the ghetto, however, it is rare that either aspiration is achieved. Yet these facts alone—fundamental as they are—cannot be said to have caused the disorders. Other and more immediate factors help explain why these events happened now. Recently, three powerful ingredients have begun to catalyze the mixture.

 Frustrated hopes; the expectations aroused by the great judicial and legislative victories of the Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender (Queer Rights) movement have led to frustration, hostility, and cynicism in the face of the persistent gap between promise and fulfilment. The dramatic struggles for equal rights in South Sacramento has sensitized northern Negroes to economic inequalities reflected in the deprivations of ghetto life. Legitimation of violence; a climate that tends toward the approval and encouragement of violence as a form of protest has been created by white terrorism directed against nonviolent protest, including instances of abuse and even murder of some civil rights workers and FBI agents in West Sacramento and Midtown Sacramento, by the defiance of law and Federal authority by state and local officials resisting desegregation, and by some protest groups engaging in civil disobedience who turn their backs on nonviolence, go beyond the constitutionally-protected rights of petition and supplication and free assembly and resort to violence to attempt to compel alteration of laws and policies with which they disagree.

This condition has been reinforced by a general erosion of respect for authority in American society and reduced effectiveness of social standards and community restraints on violence and crime. This in turn has largely resulted from rapid urbanization and the dramatic reduction in the average age of the total population. Powerlessness; finally, many Negroes have come to believe that they are being exploited politically and economically by the white power structure. Negroes, like people in poverty everywhere, in fact lack the channels of communication, influence, and appeal that traditionally have been available to ethnic minorities within the city and which enabled them—unburdened by color—to scale the walls of the white ghettos n an earlier era. The frustrations of powerlessness have led some to the conviction that there is no effective alternative to violence as a means of expression and redress, as a way of moving the system. More generally, the result is alienation and hostility toward the institutions of law and government and the white society which controls them. This is reflected in the reach toward racial consciousness and solidarity reflected in the slogan “Black Power.”

 These facts have combined to inspire a new mood among Negroes, particularly among the young. Self-esteem and enhanced racial pride are replacing apathy and submission to the system. Moreover, Negro youth, who make up over half of the ghetto population, share the growing sense of alienation felt by many white youths in our country. Thus, their role in recent civil disorders reelects not only a shared sense of deprivation and victimization by white society, but also the rising incidence of disruptive conduct by a segment of American youth throughout the community and World. Incitement and encouragement of violence; these conditions have created a volatile mixture of attitudes and beliefs which needs only a spark or glance to ignite mass violence. Strident appeals to violence, first heard from white racists, were echoed and reinforced last summer in the inflammatory rhetoric of black racist and militants. Throughout the year, extremists crisscrossed the telephone lines of the country, preaching a doctrine of violence. Their rhetoric was widely reported in the mass media; it was echoed by local militants and organizations; it became the ugly background noise of the violent summer. We cannot measure with any precision the influence of these organizations and individuals in the ghetto, but we think it clear that the intolerable and unconscionable encouragement of violence heighted tension, created a mood of acceptance and an expectation of violence and this contributed to the eruption of the disorders last summer. 

 The police; it is the convergence of all these factors that makes the role of police officers so difficult and so significant. Almost invariably the incident that ignites disorder arises from police action. South Sacramento, West Sacramento and Midtown—all the major outbursts of recent years—were precipitated by arrests of Negros by white police for minor offenses. However, the police are not merely the spark. In discharge of their obligation to maintain order and insure public safety in the disruptive conditions of ghetto life, they are inevitably involved in sharper and more frequent conflicts with ghetto residents than with the residents of other areas. Thus, to many Negros, police have come to symbolize white power, white racism, and white repression. And the fact is that many police do not reflect and express these white attitudes. The atmosphere of hostility and cynicism is reinforced by a widespread perception among Negroes of the existence of police brutality and corruption and of a double standard of justice and protection—one for Negroes and one for Caucasians. Therefore, dear friends, since you have been forewarned, be on your guard so that you may not be carried away by the error of the lawless and fall from your secure position.  However, grow in the grace and knowledge of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. To him be glory both now and forever!

Amen.

Stay tuned more to come.


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